Puerto rican nationalist party: Partido Nacionalista de Puerto Rico

Partido Nacionalista de Puerto Rico

Existen desacuerdos sobre la neutralidad en el punto de vista de la versión actual de este artículo o sección.

En la página de discusión puedes consultar el debate al respecto.

El Partido Nacionalista de Puerto Rico (PNPR) es un partido político de Puerto Rico, de ideas nacionalistas y favorables a la independencia de la isla con respecto de Estados Unidos.

Índice

  • 1 Historia
  • 2 Pedro Albizu Campos
  • 3 La Masacre de Ponce
  • 4 Grito de Jayuya
  • 5 Véase también
  • 6 Referencias
  • 7 Enlaces externos

El 17 de noviembre de 1922 fue fundado el Partido Nacionalista de Puerto Rico (PNPR). José Coll y Cuchí, puertorriqueño de origen catalán y exmiembro del Partido Unión, fue elegido su primer presidente. Coll quería cambios radicales dentro de la economía y los programas de bienestar social de Puerto Rico. En 1924 Pedro Albizu Campos se unió al partido y fue nombrado vicepresidente. Albizu consideraba que Puerto Rico debía ser una nación independiente, incluso si ello significaba un enfrentamiento armado.

En 1930 Coll abandonó del PNPR a causa de sus desacuerdos con Albizu Campos. Así, el 11 de mayo de ese mismo año Albizu Campos fue elegido Presidente del PNPR.

En la década de 1930 Blanton Winship, gobernador de Puerto Rico nombrado por el presidente de los Estados Unidos, junto a un coronel de la Policía, aplicaron duras medidas represivas contra los nacionalistas puertorriqueños. En 1936 Albizu Campos y los dirigentes del PNPR fueron detenidos y encarcelados en la Princesa en San Juan, y más tarde fueron enviados a una prisión federal estadounidense en Atlanta.

El 21 de marzo de 1937 el PNPR organizó una marcha en Ponce, en protesta contra el encarcelamiento de Pedro Albizu Campos, y la Policía abrió fuego contra la multitud en lo que se conoce como la Masacre de Ponce.

Albizu Campos regresó a Puerto Rico el 15 de diciembre de 1947, después de pasar 10 años en la cárcel. El 11 de junio de 1948 Jesús T. Piñero, gobernador de la isla, decretó una ley mordaza, la «Ley 53», que prohibía de facto la ideología nacionalista o independentista en Puerto Rico.

El 21 de junio de 1948 Albizu Campos pronunció un discurso en la ciudad de Manatí, donde nacionalistas de toda la isla se reunieron en caso de que hubiera un intento por parte de la policía de detenerle. Más tarde ese mes Albizu visitó a Blanca Canales y a sus primos, dirigentes nacionalistas de la ciudad de Jayuya. Otros nacionalistas, a tenor del clima represivo que se vivía en la isla, optaron por exiliarse en Nueva York, aprovechando la gran ola migratoria de puertorriqueños hacia Estados Unidos.

Entre 1949 y 1950 los nacionalistas puertorriqueños comenzaron a planificar y preparar una revolución armada por la independencia. La revolución iba a tener lugar en 1952, fecha en la que el Congreso de los Estados Unidos aprobó la creación del Estado Libre Asociado para Puerto Rico. Albizu convocó una revolución armada porque consideraba el nuevo estatus como “una farsa colonial”. Albizu Campos escogió el pueblo de Jayuya como el foco de la revolución por su ubicación geográfica.

El PNPR continuó siendo objeto de múltiples ataques y represión por parte del Gobierno del ELA, lo cual supuso prácticamente la desaparición del partido.

Pedro Albizu Campos[editar]

Artículo principal: Pedro Albizu Campos

Ingresó al Partido Nacionalista de Puerto Rico, que tenía como objetivo irrenunciable la plena independencia de la tutela estadounidense. Por encargo del mismo, viajó por varios países de América Latina con el propósito de recabar su solidaridad a favor de la independencia puertorriqueña. El 11 de mayo de 1930 fue elegido presidente del Partido.

En 1932 concurrió a las elecciones legislativas, en las que obtuvo poco apoyo con más 5.000 votos. Posteriormente, acordó no concurrir más a elecciones y a no acatar el servicio militar obligatorio. Tras pasar a la lucha revolucionaria, Albizu fue condenado en 1936 por conspirar para derrocar al Gobierno de Estados Unidos en la isla y por varios actos violentos en contra del gobierno establecido. Ese mismo año, se produce el ‘arresto y el traslado a una prisión federal de Atlanta de los principales líderes del Partido Nacionalista de Puerto Rico; entre los arrestados, se encuentran los poetas Juan Antonio Corretjer y Clemente Soto Vélez.

En 1947 Albizu regresó a Puerto Rico. Comenzaban los preparativos para una lucha armada con el objetivo de demostrar que había oposición a los planes para la solución definitiva del estatus con la instauración del Estado Libre Asociado. Sin embargo dicha oposición era minoritaria, el Estado Libre Asociado fue aceptado por los puertorriqueños mediante una consulta democrática en el 1952, mientras que el principal propulsor del Estado Libre Asociado, Luis Muñoz Marín, también resultó elegido por el pueblo de Puerto Rico como gobernador.

En la cárcel, la salud de Albizu Campos se deterioró. Se comenzó a especular sobre su salud mental y, en 1956, sufrió un derrame cerebral en la cárcel y fue trasladado al Hospital Presbiteriano de San Juan bajo vigilancia policial. Albizu Campos afirma que fue objeto de experimentos con radiación en la cárcel. Funcionarios sugirieron que Albizu estaba loco, aunque muchos médicos lo examinaron y encontraron síntomas de radiación. El Presidente de la Asociación de Cáncer de Cuba, el doctor Orlando Damuy, viajó a Puerto Rico para examinar a Albizu. Las quemaduras en su cuerpo, dijo el doctor Damuy, eran a causa de la intensa radiación a la que fue sometido. Albizu Campos no recibió ninguna atención médica durante 5 días.

El 15 de noviembre de 1964 Albizu fue indultado otra vez por Muñoz Marín, lo cual levantó serias críticas en los sectores anexionistas y partidarios del ELA. Falleció el 21 de abril de 1965, su entierro fue uno de los más concurridos que se han celebrado en Puerto Rico.

La Masacre de Ponce[editar]

Artículo principal: Masacre de Ponce

La Masacre de Ponce es un violento capítulo en la Historia de Puerto Rico. El 21 de marzo de 1937 (Domingo de Ramos) el Partido Nacionalista organizó una marcha en la ciudad de Ponce. La marcha fue organizada para conmemorar el fin de la esclavitud en 1873, y para protestar contra el encarcelamiento del líder nacionalista Pedro Albizu Campos.

Días antes, los organizadores de la marcha solicitaron y recibieron permiso de parte del alcalde de Ponce, José Tormos Diego. Sin embargo, al conocer del desfile el gobernador de Puerto Rico, el general Blanton Winship, exigió la retirada inmediata de los permisos momentos antes de que el desfile estaba previsto para comenzar.

El 21 de marzo y, durante los días que precedieron a la masacre, se llevó a cabo una significativa concentración de fuerzas policiales en Ponce que incluía expertos tiradores movilizados de todos los cuarteles de policía de la isla.

El Jefe de la Policía Guillermo Soldevilla, con 14 policías, se colocó en frente de los manifestantes. Rafael Molina, comandante de 9 hombres que estaban armados con ametralladoras Thompson y bombas de gas lacrimógeno, estaban en la parte de atrás. El Jefe de la Policía Antonio Bernardi, junto con 11 policías armados con ametralladoras, estaba en el este, y otro grupo de 12 policías, armados con fusiles, se colocó en el oeste.

Alrededor de las 3:15, los Cadetes de la República formaron fila de tres en fondo, listos para dar comienzo al desfile. Detrás de ellos estaba el Cuerpo de Enfermeras. Cuando la banda comenzó a tocar La Borinqueña (himno nacional puertorriqueño) los manifestantes comenzaron a marchar.

Se reporta que la Policía les disparó por más de 15 minutos desde sus cuatro posiciones.

Cerca de 100 personas resultaron heridas y diecinueve fueron asesinadas. Los muertos incluyen 17 hombres, una mujer, y un niño de 7 años de edad. Algunos de los muertos eran simplemente transeúntes. Uno de ellos era un miembro de la Guardia Nacional que regresaba de hacer ejercicio. También fue asesinado un taxista que pasaba por la calle Aurora en su automóvil. Un comerciante de Mayagüez y unos de sus hijos fueron abaleados mientras estaban parados en la entrada de una zapatería que quedaba al lado de la Junta. Y finalmente dos policías que murieron por el fuego cruzado de las armas de sus propios compañeros.

Supuestamente no se encontraron armas en las manos de los civiles heridos ni de los muertos. Alrededor de 150 manifestantes fueron detenidos inmediatamente y más tarde fueron puestos en libertad bajo fianza.

Familiares de los nacionalistas muertos en la Masacre de Ponce frente a una sede del PNPR. Los impactos de balas se pueden notar en la pared.

Grito de Jayuya[editar]

Artículo principal: Grito de Jayuya

El 30 de octubre de 1950 los nacionalistas puertorriqueños organizaron levantamientos violentos en las ciudades de Ponce, Mayagüez, Naranjito, Arecibo, Utuado, Jayuya y San Juan para detener el proceso de la Ley Pública 600 en la que se le consultaba al pueblo si estaban de acuerdo con organizar un gobierno propio. Dicha consulta tendría lugar en 1951, pero primero requería un proceso educativo y de inscripción electoral de los puertorriqueños. En Jayuya, los nacionalistas armados entraron en la ciudad y atacaron la comisaría. Se produjo una batalla campal con los efectivos policiales, un agente resultó muerto y otros tres resultaron heridos antes que el resto se rindieran. Los nacionalistas cortaron las líneas telefónicas e incendiaron la estafeta de la ciudad. Finalmente, los insurgentes nacionalistas se dirigieron hacia la plaza del pueblo, donde izaron la bandera de Puerto Rico (estaba prohibido por ley llevar consigo una bandera puertorriqueña entre 1898 y 1952). En la plaza del pueblo Blanca Canales proclamó la República de Puerto Rico. El pueblo de Jayuya estuvo bajo control de los nacionalistas durante tres días.

Ante el éxito del levantamiento independentista en Jayuya, Estados Unidos declaró la ley marcial en Puerto Rico y envió a la Guardia Nacional para sofocar la rebelión. El pueblo de Jayuya fue atacado por aire por bombarderos y en tierra con artillería. Aunque parte del pueblo fue destruido, se impidió la difusión de las noticias de esta acción militar fuera de Puerto Rico.

Los principales dirigentes del PNPR fueron detenidos de nuevo, entre ellos Albizu Campos y Canales, y sentenciados a largas penas de prisión. Otros dirigentes nacionalistas se encontraban en Estados Unidos, donde trazaban un plan para asesinar al presidente Harry S. Truman. El 1 de noviembre de 1950 atacaron la Casa Blair, donde perdieron la vida un nacionalista y un agente policial. Otro líder nacionalista, Óscar Collazo, fue detenido y condenado a muerte. Su condena fue conmutada a cadena perpetua por el presidente Truman. En 1979 recibió un indulto presidencial. La casa de Blanca Canales fue reconstruida en un museo histórico.

Véase también[editar]

  • Masacre de Ponce
  • Grito de Jayuya
  • Pedro Albizu Campos
  • Juan Antonio Corretjer
  • Grito de Lares
  • Fuerzas Armadas de Liberación Nacional (Puerto Rico)

Referencias[editar]

  • Pagán, Bolívar. Historia de los Partidos Políticos Puertorriqueños 1898-1956. San Juan: Librería Campos, (1959).
  • Encyclopedia of Minorities in American Politics.Greenwood Publishing Group, 2000. P. 417
  • Let Freedom Ring: A Collection of Documents from the Movements to Free U.S. Political Prisoners. PM Press, 2008.P. 129.
  • Lewis, Gordon. Notes on the Puerto Rican Revolution: An Essay on American Dominance and Caribbean Resistance.Monthly Review Press, 1974.

Enlaces externos[editar]

  • Página del Partido Nacionalista de Puerto Rico (en español)
  • Página de la Junta de Nueva York del PNPR (en español e inglés)
Control de autoridades
  • Proyectos Wikimedia
  • Datos: Q1114836
  • Multimedia: Puerto Rican Nationalist Party / Q1114836

  • Identificadores
  • WorldCat
  • VIAF: 203920427
  • Diccionarios y enciclopedias
  • Britannica: url

The history of Puerto Rico shows that nationalism can be liberatory rather than xenophobic

Since its founding in 1922, the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party has combined its goal of ending US rule with a push to reintegrate with sister republics throughout Latin America, and Latin American countries have often responded in kind. Despite undergoing many changes over the past hundred years, today’s movement remains broad and inclusive rather than restrictive and reactionary, writes Margaret Power (Illinois Institute of Technology).

Nationalism today has become synonymous with hatred, xenophobia, and reactionary politics. But that has not always been the case nor is it necessarily true today, as the example of Puerto Rico illustrates.

Puerto Rico was a Spanish colony for four hundred years. It became a US colony in 1898, and it remains one today. Puerto Rican nationalists want to end US colonial rule in the archipelago and inaugurate a sovereign republic.

An activist flies the Puerto Rican flag over San Juan after scaling a crane at the Paseo Caribe development (Yasmapaz & Ace Heart, CC BY-SA 2.0)

Nationalist but also Latin Americanist

As I argue in my forthcoming book, tentatively titled Solidarity across the Americas: The Puerto Rican Nationalist Party and Anti-Imperialism, examining the history of the Nationalist Party’s transnational networks across the Americas from the 1920s to the 1950s reveals two crucial points about the party and nationalism.

First, since its founding in 1922, the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party has combined its goal of ending US rule with its push to reintegrate the archipelago with its sister republics throughout Latin America. It interwove nationalism with its transnational identity as a Hispanic nation, one that shared a common language, history, and culture with the former Spanish colonies in the Americas.

The Nationalist Party also drew on the legacy of nineteenth century pro-independence Caribbeanists such as Ramón Emeterio Betances in Puerto Rico, José Martí in Cuba, and Gregorio Luperón in the Dominican Republic to propound the unity of the Caribbean islands, including Haiti, and support each nation’s struggles against foreign domination. The Nationalist Party understood that its colonial status was part of US imperialist designs for the region. It identified its situation with that of other nations oppressed by US rule, particularly those that experienced US military occupation.

In 1927 the Nationalist Party sent its vice president, Pedro Albizu Campos, on a three-year solidarity tour throughout the Caribbean, to Mexico, Peru, and Venezuela. At the send-off banquet, the Nationalist Party president gave a speech (published in full in the Puerto Rican newspaper La Democracia) summarising the party’s perspective on its relationship to Latin America:

Puerto Rico is not just fighting for Puerto Rican nationalism; we are also fighting for Mexican, Dominican, [and] Nicaraguan nationalism because we are the same people, from the Rio Grande in North America to Patagonia in South America. [We are] one homogeneous people [with shared] customs, language, religion, race. What affects Santo Domingo and Nicaragua also affects Argentina and Puerto Rico; it affects our common interests as a people united by the same bonds.

The Latin American response

Second, Latin Americans reciprocated the Nationalist Party’s solidarity with their own struggles.

For much of the first half of the twentieth century Latin Americans pointed to Puerto Rico as visible proof of US imperialism in the region. As a result, Latin American leaders, intellectuals, and organisations frequently issued statements, signed petitions, sent cablegrams to US officials condemning their government’s reign over Puerto Rico, and demanding the release of Nationalist Party political prisoners held in US jails.

Continent-wide campaigns in favour of Puerto Rican independence and against the imprisonment of anti-colonial leaders flourished from the late 1930s through the 1940s, the years when Franklin Roosevelt’s Good Neighbor Policy defined US relations with Latin America. For example, 63 members of the Argentine Congress, including the President and First and Second Vice Presidents of the Chamber of Deputies, directed a letter to Roosevelt “respectfully request[ing] of your Excellency the freedom of the Puerto Rican intellectuals, Pedro Albizu Campos, Juan Antonio Corretjer, Clemente Soto Vélez, and their noble companions, leaders of the national movement for independence in our brother country.”

The Puerto Rican National Guard occupies Jayuya following an uprising in 1950 (public domain)

In the early 1950s the Nationalist Party launched a series of failed military attacks in Puerto Rico and the United States. In response, the US government unleashed a wave of repression, imprisoning Nationalist leaders, members, and sympathisers. Stripped of its leaders, many of whom spent decades in prisons, besieged by the FBI and other state agencies of repression, the independence movement declined. It resurged in the 1960s, partly inspired and supported by the 1959 Cuban revolution.

Nationalism in Puerto Rico today

Today, the nationalist movement is at once broader and yet more diffuse, lacking a single organisation or unified goal. Instead of focusing primarily on the establishment of an independent nation, the agenda of today’s nationalist movement incorporates environmental issues, demands for women’s and LGBT rights, and anti-racism. However, instead of calling clearly for independence, it now upholds the vaguer demand of sovereignty.

The most visible manifestation of Puerto Rican nationalism in its twenty-first century incarnation occurred in the summer of 2019. Tens of thousands of Puerto Ricans took to the streets of the island demanding that Governor Ricardo Roselló resign. On July 22, 2019, one million Puerto Ricans – fully one third of the population – flooded the streets of San Juan chanting, “Ricky, resign!” Pictures of the protests show the crowd waving the Puerto Rican flag, not party banners.

The flag, the quintessential symbol of the nation, represented unity in opposition to the corrupt governor and political system that had failed to administer the archipelago efficiently, compassionately, or fairly following the devastating blows of Hurricanes Irma and María in September 2017. It symbolised the Puerto Rican people joining together to assert their rights and their determination to obtain them.

Although Puerto Rican nationalism has evolved over the last one hundred years, for many it continues to represent a liberatory movement and goal. Far from calling for new barriers and walls, it heralds an end to oppression and the assertion of a positive identity and dignity.

 

Notes:
• The views expressed here are of the authors rather than the Centre or the LSE
• Please read our Comments Policy before commenting

90,000 Living in Mexico City. Che Guevara, who wanted change

Life in Mexico City. Che Guevara, who wanted change

WikiReading

Che Guevara, who wanted change
Wojciechowski Zbigniew

Contents

Living in Mexico City

In the Mexican capital, Ernesto settled in the apartment of Puerto Rican revolutionary Juan Juarbe, an activist of the Nationalist Party, who advocated the complete independence of Puerto Rico. The Nationalist Party had by then been banned in the country due to a shooting in the US Congress. Guevara had no money, and street photography became the only source of existence. He bought a camera and smuggled pictures. One sympathizer, the owner of a semi-underground photo lab, helped print the photos.

However, it was impossible to make a living from street photography, and Ernesto decided to take up journalism. Based on the hot impressions of life in Guatemala, the article «I saw the overthrow of Arbenis with my own eyes» was written. But due to radical assessments, not a single Mexican publication dared to publish it. True, soon Ernesto was very lucky: in one of the clinics in the Mexican capital, a doctor’s position became vacant, and a graduate of the medical faculty of the University of Buenos Aires was taken to this position, however, «with a trial period.»

Around the same time, Che’s fiancée, Ilda Gadea, arrived from Guatemala. The young people got married. On February 15, 1956, Ilda gave birth to a daughter, who was named after her mother Ildita.

However, my father did not do much with it — in his head the plan for the expedition to Cuba was already being rebuilt …

This text is an introductory fragment.

Erich Maria Remarque of Mexico City (after 03/15/1940)

Erich Maria Remarque from Mexico City (after 03/15/1940)
Marlene Dietrich in Beverly Hills, Beverly Hills Hotel and Bungalow [Stamp on paper: «Hotel Reform»] MDC 71-72, 363-364, 359-360 A little cougar, none other than Ravik, a connoisseur of the human heart , claims that love makes the best

Erich Maria Remarque from Mexico City (presumably 03/21/1940)

Erich Maria Remarque from Mexico City (presumably 03/21/1940)
Marlene Dietrich in Beverly Hills, Beverly Hills Hotel and Bungalow [Stamp on paper: Reform Hotel] MDC 367–368 Unique, it’s been two hours since the lights went out in Mexico City, and he lies black between the mountains under strangers pale

Life is different, life is not ours

Life is different, life is not ours
Life is different, life is not ours —
The fate of the dead
Like buckwheat porridge
Pockmarks of the face.
Blue mouth half open
Cloudy eyes.
On the cheek was forgotten —
A tear dried up.
And on a stone pillow
Head freezes.
Clinging leaves to each other
Withered grass.
Above

In Mexico City

in Mexico City
Only large, expressive, as if on posters, pits[27] brought animation to the monotonous picture of mountains and scorched plains. Perhaps it was even beautiful in its own way, but I was now looking at the world through the eyes of Cobbet, from whose «Country Walks» I just raised

Chapter 3 Notes on Mexico City

Chapter 3 Notes on Mexico City
Sunday
Today I went to a service in a huge cathedral — powerful gilded twisted columns and darkened images of love and suffering. Little photographs of Father Pro were sold at the entrance: here he is in Belgium, with the abbot of the monastery;

Mexico City Again

Mexico City again
Getting from Puebla to Mexico City is faster by bus than by train, and I wanted to get to the capital as soon as possible. I haven’t read any letters from England for more than a month now, during which time a lot could have happened, and in our time one cannot count on good news. U

From an interview with Vsevolod-Esteban Volkov to Natalya Kozlova and Olga Petrakova, Rossiyskaya Gazeta, June 2, 2006, especially for RG, Mexico City

From an interview with Vsevolod-Esteban Volkov to Natalya Kozlova, Olga Petrakova, Rossiyskaya Gazeta, June 2, 2006, especially for RG, Mexico City
The last of the Trotsky family … I remember the first attempt on the life of the grandfather of the Siqueiros gang [272] . Then they fired machine guns into the bedroom. she

News from Mexico City

news from mexico
At the reception, hosted on behalf of the Minister of Foreign Affairs and his wife, among other members of the diplomatic corps accredited in Mexico City, there was also a Soviet diplomat. Mexico became the first state on the Latin American continent,

Garcia Marquez and Mercedes. Mexico City. 1966

Garcia Marquez and Mercedes. Mexico City. 1966

Road to Mexico City

Road to Mexico City
El Paso
El Paso is spanish for passage. The city of El Paso is located in the very south of the United States in the state of Texas. Early in the morning we found ourselves on this «passage», but in our opinion, just at the border station between Mexico and the United States. The American-Mexican

Mexico City Walks

Walking in Mexico City
Soon the children recovered, and I decided to get acquainted with the city with such a charming name — Mexico City. Children also looked at everything new and unfamiliar for them with great interest. I managed with great difficulty to drag them to the hotel to

Hell in Mexico City. Heaven in Chicago

Hell in Mexico City. Paradise in Chicago
The fact that Lisa has achieved success in the cinema is confirmed at least by the fact that she was offered more than four hundred scripts — the producers hoped that she would still bite on one of them, and then a new triumph is already half guaranteed. Late

Chapter VI Attack and Capture of Chapultepec. Serious wound. Tribute to a former lieutenant. Capture of Mexico City. official mentions. Promotion.

Chapter VI
Attack and capture of Chapultepec. Serious wound. Tribute to a former lieutenant. Capture of Mexico City. official mentions. Promotion.
Mine Reed continues her story: “So on August 20, the American army stopped its victorious offensive. Another hour and we are

Life is fun, life is bohemian

Life is fun, life is bohemian
In 1895, Crowley entered the University of Cambridge, more precisely, Trinity College [5]. This speaks volumes. Cambridge is one of two English universities (the other being Oxford) that required entrance examinations in those days. And, I must say,

10 Hot Women Revolutionaries You Don’t Know…

Kathleen Harris (WhizzPast, 2014)
We all know male revolutionaries like Chevara. But about the contribution of women who put their time, strength, and sometimes their lives on the altar of the fight against systems and ideologies, history is often silent. Contrary to myths, a huge number of women participated in the revolutions, and many of them played a key role. They held different political positions, some resorted to weapons, others were armed only with words — but they all fought bravely for what they believed in. We will tell you about ten revolutionary women from all over the world, whom you are unlikely to see on the T-shirts of students and fashionistas, unlike Che Guevara.

Nadezhda Krupskaya

Many people know Krupskaya only as Lenin’s wife. However, she herself was a revolutionary and a member of the Bolshevik Party. She actively participated in the political life of the country, served as Deputy Minister of Education of the USSR from 1929 until her death in 1939 and studied pedagogy. Before the revolution, Krupskaya was the secretary of the Iskra newspaper, where she was in charge of correspondence from all over the continent, much of which had to be deciphered. After the revolution, she dedicated her life to making education available to workers and peasants, for example by opening libraries.

Constance Markevich

Constance Markevich, née Gore-But, was an Irish countess, member of the Sinn Féin and Fianna Fáil parties, revolutionary, nationalist, suffragist and socialist. She participated in many campaigns for the independence of Ireland and was one of the leaders of the Easter Rising of 1916 — during which she wounded a British sniper, but in the end the rebels were forced to retreat and surrender. After the trial, Markevich became the only female prisoner placed in solitary confinement. Initially, the tribunal sentenced her to death, but «taking into account gender» the sentence was changed. Interestingly, the accuser later stated that at her trial Markevich begged for mercy: «I’m just a woman, you can’t kill a woman,» but the court record shows that she said: «I wish you had the decency to shoot me.» «. Constance was one of the first women to hold a ministerial post (she was Minister of Labor of the Republic of Ireland from 1919 to 1922) and elected to the House of Commons (December 1918). She refused this seat, following the course of Sinn Féin, which called on its members not to participate in the work of parliament.

Petra Herrera

During the Mexican Revolution, female soldiers, known as soldaderos , went into battle on an equal footing with men — despite the fact that they often faced violence in the ranks of the military. One of the most famous soldadera is Petra Herrera. To hide her gender, she took on the name Pedro and gradually developed a reputation as an exemplary leader (and subversive). Only after some time she managed to reveal to others the truth about herself. At 19In 14, Herrera, along with 400 other women, participated in the second battle of Torreon. Some of the military noted that in this battle she deserved all the privileges usually due in such cases, but the rebel leader Pancho Villa did not want to make a woman general. In response, Herrera left Villa’s squad and formed her own, which consisted of all women.

Nwanyeruwa

It was Nwanyeruwa, a Nigerian Igbo woman, who unleashed the brief war that is often cited as the first major challenge to the British Empire from colonial Africa. November 18 1929 years between Nwanyeruwa and a scribe named Mark Emeruwa, an argument broke out: he ordered her to «count the goats, sheep and people.» Nwaryeruwa realized that Emeruwa wanted to force her to pay taxes, from which women were traditionally exempted, and discussed the situation with other villagers. Thus began the two-month-long protests, which are called the «Women’s War». 25,000 women across the region expressed their opposition to the planned tax reform and the unlimited power of warrant officers, British army officials. In the end, women achieved an improvement in their situation: Britain abandoned tax reform, and many officers were forced to leave their posts.

Lakshmi Sahgal

Lakshmi Sahgal, known as «Captain Lakshmi», is an Indian independence activist, Indian National Army officer, Minister for Women’s Affairs in the government of Azad Hind. In the 1940s, she commanded the Rani Jhansi Women’s Regiment, which sought to liberate India from British rule. It was one of the few women’s formations that participated in World War II. It was named after another famous Indian revolutionary, Rani Lakshmi Bai, a national heroine and one of the leaders of the Sepoy rebellion of 1857.

Sophie Scholl

The German revolutionary Sophie Scholl was a member of the non-violent underground group White Rose, which called for active resistance to the Hitler regime. Members of the group left inscriptions with appeals throughout Munich and printed leaflets. For their distribution at the University of Munich, Sophie and her associates were arrested in February 1943 and sentenced to death by guillotine. However, copies of the leaflets called «The Manifesto of the Munich Students» managed to be taken out of the country, and already in the same year, the Allied aviation dropped millions of them on Germany.

Blanca Canales

Blanca Canales was a Puerto Rican nationalist who helped form the Daughters of Liberty, the women’s branch of the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party. She was one of the few women in history to lead a rebellion against the United States, the Hayuya Rebellion. In 1948, Law No. 53, also known as the «Gag Law», was passed in her homeland, severely restricting the freedoms of citizens. It forbade the printing, publishing, sale, and public display of any material intended to paralyze or destroy the island government. October 30 19At 50, Blanca and many of her supporters took the weapons stored at Canales’ home and headed to the city of Jayuya, where they seized the police station, cut the telephone wires and raised the Puerto Rican flag in defiance of the new law. As a result, the US President declared martial law and ordered the ground and air forces to attack the city. For some time, the nationalists held back their onslaught, but in the end they were arrested and after 3 years sentenced to life imprisonment. A significant part of the city was destroyed, the incident was almost not covered by the American media, and the US president even said that it was a clash «between Puerto Ricans.»

Celia Sanchez

We all know Fidel Castro and Che Guevara, but few have heard of Celia Sanchez. This woman was at the heart of the Cuban revolution — rumor has it that she was behind the most important decisions of the rebels. After the coup d’état on March 10, 1952, Celia joined the fight against the Batista government. She was the founder of the July 26 Movement, commanded combat units throughout the revolution and even participated in organizing the landings from the Granma yacht, which transported 82 fighters from Mexico to Cuba who were about to overthrow Batista.

Добавить комментарий

Ваш адрес email не будет опубликован. Обязательные поля помечены *