Biografia miguel enriquez: Herida por arma de fuego

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January 30, 2023
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MIGUEL ENRIQUEZ. UN HOMBRE EN LAS ESTRELLAS. AMOROS, MARIO. 9789569977992 Librería del GAM

Literatura
/ Biografias
/ MIGUEL ENRIQUEZ

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Miguel Enríquez (Talcahuano, 1944), hijo de una ilustre familia de Concepción, médico, fue el líder del Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria desde 1967 hasta su asesinato en aquel combate desigual de la calle Santa Fe el 5 de octubre de 1974. Con su liderazgo, y acompañado por una nueva generación de dirigentes y militantes, el MIR marcó una ruptura en la política nacional. Apoyó críticamente al Gobierno de Salvador Allende, movilizó a “los pobres del campo y la ciudad” por el poder popular, denunció la conspiración de la derecha y, después del golpe de Estado, fue golpeado terriblemente por la represión. A partir de abundante documentación inédita y de los testimonios de sus familiares y compañeros, Mario Amorós relata de manera acuciosa la apasionante trayectoria de Miguel Enríquez. Solo vivió 30 años, pero su nombre quedó grabado en la Historia y en la Memoria popular de Chile y de América Latina.

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MIGUEL ENRIQUEZ. UN HOMBRE EN LAS ESTRELLAS. BIOGRAFÍA DE UN REVOLUCIONARIO. AMORÓS, MARIO. Libro en papel. 9789569977992 Segundo Sol Librería

Editorial:: EDICIONES B
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Encuadernación:: TAPA BLANDA C/SOLAPAS

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Day. Miguel Enriquez… – sandinist — LiveJournal

March 27, – Born Miguel Enriquez (1944 – 1974), the legendary leader of the Chilean left-wing radical party “Revolutionary Left Movement” (MIR)…

Son, Edgardorektores University of Concepción and Minister of Education in the Allende government.

After the military coup on September 11, 1973, Miguel Henriquez became one of the leaders of the resistance to the dictatorship of the military junta. October 5 1974 years old died in battle.

Photo: Fidel performs at a rally MIR

“The last day of Miguel Enrixes ” ( Article Manuel Kabaseza ):

E th eternal Matrosky Pidazhmeshko and its noisy fiddle , contagious and fun – that’s the first thing I think of when it comes to Miguel Enriquez. Incomprehensible optimism in his eyes, in his gestures, unflagging vitality, which he maintained to the end. Miguel laughed with his whole body, he waved his arms and just burst with laughter. Then I discovered that his father, Don Edgardo, also had fun in exactly the same manner. nine0007

Miguel was like a dynamo: fast and precise. His phrases were like machine-gun fire. Terrible in polemics with opponents, sometimes he was also quite firm in conversations with comrades. He pressed arguments, quoted the history of the international revolutionary movement, with special emphasis on the Bolshevik revolution, knew the works of Lenin, Trotsky and Rosa Luxemburg well, often “walked” through the Chinese revolution, knew the history of the Cuban revolution in detail, and also had an excellent command of the history of Chile proper. . For example, he always admired Manuel Rodriguez, while not particularly kindly speaking about another great Chilean patriot – “fat” Bernardo O Higgins. He paid special attention to teaching and controversy with people who had views that were significantly different from his own. nine0007

Killing him was no easy task for DINA. The killers of the dictatorship had to intensify their bloody “work” with the arrested people who had contacts with Miguel, and who could become a thread leading to the underground, where the MIR leader and his organization had gone.

The cruelty of Captain Miguel Krasnov Marchenko, chief of the “Caupolican” section of the DINA Urban Intelligence Brigade, and his closest “assistant” Oswald Romo had no limits. Raoul Rettig’s report to the National Commission for Truth and Reconciliation testifies:74 years old, was the destruction of the MIR. The task remained a priority during the next year, 1975. It is to this period of time that the most numerous facts of the death of people at the hands of the repressive organism of the dictatorship belong. Created by a special decree in June 1974, DINA has actually been operating since November 1973, under the direct supervision of Pinochet. Five hundred officers of the Armed Forces and Carabinieri gave rise to a secret structure, which later numbered thousands and thousands of employees, advisers and informers. nine0007

The assassination of the general secretary of the “Left Revolutionary Movement”, a 30-year-old physician who magically avoided the traps set for him, became literally a manic idea of DINA. For this, a special department “Caupolican” was created, while the department “Puren” was engaged in the fight against the rest of the representatives of the left movement. DINA collected information in order to localize the sector of Santiago where Miguel was hiding. His underground turnout was located at 725 Santa Fe Street, between Chiloe and San Francisco, in the commune of San Miguel. Nothing special about the house, with two metal gates, which still today keep traces of numerous bullets. October 5 19For 74 years, an unequal battle took place here, the same as that which had previously taken place in the palace of La Moneda, and which later, over the next 17 years, will be fought by men and women of the Chilean left, who showed courage in battles and covered their names with honor.

Miguel was one of the most promising left leaders in Chile. He undoubtedly possessed the traits of a brilliant politician. He “clearly showed the leader of the revolution”, as Armando Hart said in a mournful message sent by the Communist Party of Cuba to the Chilean revolutionaries. Subsequently, numerous Cuban “Committees for the Defense of the Revolution”, as well as the capital’s surgical clinic, will be named after Miguel Enriquez. nine0007

The hunt for MIR

Miguel’s dangerous underground life lasted a little over a year. He threw a defiant slogan around the country: “MIR did not give up!” and sought to give impetus to the organization in Chile of armed resistance to the dictatorship. Miguel explained: “We stayed in Chile to reorganize the mass movement, to unite the entire Left and all sectors ready to fight the dictatorship of the gorillas, to prepare for a protracted revolutionary war, through which the dictatorship will be defeated, to take power after the overthrow of the junta, to establish Workers’ and Peasants’ Just Government. Not listening to the advice of many comrades and friends who asked him to leave the country, Miguel continued to fight. He was the type of leader who rouses people to fight by example. However, he also understood the importance of establishing support bases abroad. He entrusted their organization to two members of the MIR political committee – his 34-year-old brother Edgardo, who was arrested at 1976 in Buenos Aires and then disappeared without a trace, and Rene Valenzuela Bejasu, who today languishes in a Spanish prison.

The pursuit of the MIR was a point of contention between DINA and the Air Force Intelligence (SIFA), led by Colonel Edgar Ceballos Hones. SIFA by that time had placed in its main prison, located in the building of the Air War Academy, numerous political prisoners. However, DINA soon joined the hunt for MIR, which, through torture and banal murders (“missing in action”), seized the palm, almost completely pushing SIFA out of the persecution of the Chilean Left. nine0007

The DINA terror became widespread and spread throughout the country beginning in April 1974. The inconspicuous house at No. 38 Rue Londres, which previously housed a branch of the Socialist Party, became a real death camp: here was the first stop for many detainees on their way to death. It is worth noting that it was from here that some of the arrested were sent for reprisal to the Colonia Dignidad colony: this is exactly what happened to Alvaro Vallejos Villagran, a 25-year-old medical student who became one of the first executed in the German Paul Schafer colony. nine0007

The political committee of the MIR, however, was able to evade the blows of the dictatorship at first steam and more or less functioned from the beginning of 1974. The most difficult loss for the committee was the arrest of Bautista Van Schouwen in December 1973, who was detained thanks to a denunciation by one of the monks of the Capuchin monastery in the capital, where he was hiding. Van Schouwen, 30, was a founding member of MIR and a close friend of Miguel Henriquez, to whose sister, Ines, he was engaged.

Beginning in July 1974, DINA, who already possessed considerable information about the left underground, increased the intensity of his strikes. Dozens of miristas have been detained, killed or missing. Many were arrested at secret “meeting places” that were given out under torture. Others fell into “mousetraps” placed in the homes of arrested comrades. Many were recognized on the streets by DINA paid informants. The repression reached its peak in the month of September, when the situation in MIR came to a tragic point. Almost all detained leftist activists were tortured and later “disappeared”. Traitors like Marcia Merino, during interrogation, passionately advised agents on the questions they asked, helped classify and verify the information received, and otherwise contributed to the repressive machine of the dictatorship. Things came to a head later this month when MIR leaders Sergio Pérez Molina, Lumi Videla Moya (whose tortured body was found near the Italian embassy on November 3), Maria Cristina López Stewart, priest Antonio Llido, the brothers Jorge and Juan Andronico were arrested. Antequera, Amelia Brun and others. nine0007

DINA opened new paths to Miguel Henriquez: information was obtained about the area where he lived, descriptions of his appearance and his girlfriend (Carmen Castillo Echeverría, who was pregnant at that moment), license plates of the red Renoletta, on which Miguel moved, etc.

House on Santa Fe

Since December 1973, Miguel lived underground on Santa Fe Street at 725. The quietest area inhabited by the petty bourgeoisie, workers and beggars: almost everyone was homeowners. Most of the houses, including the one that Miguel occupied, were one-story, with a patio and a small gazebo. The neighbors have known each other for many years. Most of them then adhered to leftist views, were communists and socialists. Opposite Miguel’s house lived the old communist Layton. nine0007

The home of the MIR leader was located between the homes of the family worker and journalist Rolando Carrasco, also a communist, imprisoned in the Chacabuco prison. His wife Anita Klöpning (a theater actress, better known under the pseudonym Anita Mirlo) and his two children, 16 and 11 years old, lived here.

Miguel and his girlfriend Carmen Castillo arrived here at the end of 1973, right after Van Schouwen’s arrest. From the very beginning, another leader of the party, Umberto Sotomayor, and his wife were with them in the house. From time to time, despite all the dangers, together with small children, they all went for a few days for walks in the country. nine0007

A house in Santa Fe was purchased by a British citizen with MIR money a few years ago from a speculator who resold scarce goods and opposed the Popular Unity government of Salvador Allende.

Devil’s Breath

Miguel, Carmen, Sotomayor and his wife unknowingly became objects of observation in the new area.

Many were curious about the new neighbors. They were constantly asked what they were doing, where they were going, etc. The young people who lived in house number 725 seemed to be very prosperous, they were friendly and joyful, but they did not have close contacts with anyone in the district. They just watched and remembered. The owner of the bowling alley on the corner was the first to sense something was wrong, as the new neighbors were making too much spending – it is obvious that they had much more money than those who lived next door. Soon, the grocer, who, with the advent of new tenants, things went smoothly, began to comment aloud on a strange trend: new neighbors purchased very expensive goods and in fairly large volumes. nine0007

Miguel, Carmen, Sotomayor and his wife, meanwhile, led a normal life, and over and over again tried to make acquaintances with the people around them. They understood that in this popular area, friendship with the locals could be of great benefit. Miguel and Carmen helped their neighbors as much as they could. They learned that a neighbor’s husband is in prison and she is forced to work as a seamstress at home to provide for her family, so they tried in every way to make her life easier.

One day, one of Carrasco’s sons was taking a shower, and at some point the wick in the column went out, although the gas continued to flow, as a result of which the boy fainted. Since the doors to the shower were locked from the inside with a key, Anita, who heard her son fall, could not unlock the door, after which she ran to Miguel’s house to ask for help. Umberto Sotomayor, who appeared, knocked down the door, pulled the young man out and successfully brought him to his senses, finally giving his mother precise instructions on how to further care for her son. Thus, she learns that real doctors live next door to her. From that day on, Anita felt the greatest gratitude and love for her new neighbors. Not objecting to this, the neighbors, however, did not leave a firm courtesy, protecting their privacy in every possible way. nine0007

Death in October

Dawn October 5, 1974. DINA finally opened her way to Miguel Henriquez. How many times has this path been broken. For example, it was found that Javiera, Miguel’s 5-year-old daughter from his first marriage, lives with her aunt Anna Pizarro and her three children. It was supposed that this would somehow help to reach the head of MIR. Impatient DINA employees began to threaten the death of Pizarro and her children, as a result of which she took refuge in the French embassy. But first, Miguel took the child. In a letter to his sister, he says that he would like to see his daughter, because soon – one way or another – he will die anyway. nine0007

DINA has already established that Miguel lives in the southern zone of Santiago, in a square framed by the streets of Santa Rosa, Gran Avenida, Departmental and Callejón lo Ovalle. Krasnov’s agents, led by Captain Osvaldo Romo, who took the trail, “combed” this territory. Under torture, some prisoners pointed out the streets, some special signs, houses. After some time, the bloodhounds managed to pick up the trail of nothing as yet unsuspecting Miguel. They were looking for a red Renault and a pregnant lady. Moving in three cars, agents armed with machine guns scoured the block. They went into shops and small workshops, stopped children and women, interviewed postmen, municipal employees, scavengers, and so on. nine0007

At dawn on October 5, in a house on Santa Fe street, everyone slept peacefully: Miguel, Carmen, Humberto Sotomayor and José Bordas Paz (31-year-old leader of the Central Forces, the armed wing of the MIR).

Comrades talked until late at night. It was agreed that the next day Carmen would go looking for another house to move into. A sixth sense told them that it was becoming unsafe here, primarily due to the shootout on Avenida Grecia. Miguel held several meetings in this house with comrades who, apparently, had already been arrested. And although they all observed strict precautions, no one could guarantee that one of these comrades, under torture, would not betray at least the area where Miguel’s house is located, where comrades were usually taken blindfolded. In addition, the norms of underground life forbade living in the same premises for a long time, and they have been living here for more than ten months. Two weeks earlier, Miguel managed to find shelter for his two children at the Italian Embassy, where they were taken in the trunk of a car by a finance officer. Finally, he decided to suspend his rhythm of work somewhat and leave Santiago for a while. Carmen’s friend, Cecilia Harpa, was tasked with acquiring a small property in Macula. But Carmen, having called a friend a day earlier to arrange the transfer of money, ran into completely inadequate answers. Miguel came to the conclusion that Cecilia Harpa was already in the hands of DINA. It became quite obvious that the noose around them was being tightened. nine0007

On the morning of October 5, Carmen Castillo left home to look for a new shelter. Miguel, Sotomayor and José Bordas also left their home on Santa Fe Street. They all agreed to meet here again at three o’clock in the afternoon. However, Carmen returned earlier – about an hour. She found Miguel and two others burning papers: they were armed and in great tension. Miguel noticed surveillance: three suspicious cars were identified, cruising around the area, which had already twice slowly passed their house, clearly watching him. Miguel was sure that they were DINA agents, who were getting closer and closer. He quickly gathered two bags, packing only the bare necessities. When, together with Carmen, he went out into the courtyard, where the red Renolet was parked, the first attack of DINA began. The four comrades retreated inside the house and opened furious return fire. nine0007

The first assault was unsuccessful. Without decent reinforcements, the agents were unable to take the house. After the attack ended, Sotomayor and José Bordas managed to escape. Sotomayor jumped into the courtyard of his neighbor Anita, and from there he disappeared along San Francisco Street, while the other managed to escape along the street that ran parallel to Santa Fe to the south (Sotomayor would later receive asylum in the Italian embassy, and José Bordas would be ambushed by SIFA on December 5 of the same Seriously wounded in a firefight, he would die two days later in a military hospital, where, among other things, he was subjected to inhuman torture by agents). nine0007

Carmen Castillo was injured and lay inside the house. The DINA agents grew impatient as Miguel continued to fire his weapons. “There is a pregnant woman in the house! Respect her life!” Miguel shouted furiously.

Rettig’s report states: “The house where Miguel Henriquez was hiding was surrounded by a huge number of intelligence agents (there was also a tank and a military helicopter) who opened fire. Among those who were in the house was also a pregnant woman, who was wounded as a result of the battle. Miguel Henriquez died in the ensuing clash, receiving ten wounds according to the official autopsy report.” nine0007

Anita, Miguel’s neighbor, doesn’t know how long the shooting lasted, neither does her son Rolo. But it seemed to them that the battle lasted a very long time. There was another guy in their house, comrade Rolo: both were sitting in the courtyard when the assault began. They hid and then saw one of the Miristas jump over the wall and escape down San Francisco Street. Anita and her 11-year-old daughter Valentina, while in the house, threw themselves on the floor, fearing stray bullets. They remember the deafening noise of shots, the sound of a hovering helicopter, the loud cries of the carabinieri. When the assault ended and the shooting subsided, they saw that the entire street of Santa Fe was filled with armed people in civilian clothes, carabinieri, soldiers and cars. A little later, the agents carried out the wounded Carmen Castillo, and a little later, the body of Miguel Enriquez himself. nine0007

Miguel didn’t give up. Having received several wounds, he continued to shoot back until one of the last bullets pierced through the skull. His body was found in the courtyard where he had set up a firing position.

The news of Miguel’s death, which was spread the same night, shocked the Chilean people. Everyone knew that Miguel Henriquez was hiding in the underground, trying to reorganize the resistance forces, and therefore had high hopes for him. Now those hopes have been dashed. nine0007

DINA highly appreciated her operation – it was really a great success for her. House number 725 on Santa Fe Street was occupied by intelligence agents for about two more months. Some neighbors said that parties were held here almost daily, at which the officers drank themselves unconscious and yelled in unhealthy voices. A little later, the driver of a minibus owned by DINA moved here, and then the former owner, the same speculator, returned.

From 199Year 0, every October 5, the residents of the district gather inside the house, at the moment when a group of former “miristas” solemnly march down the street in a memorial march. In the courtyard where Miguel died, candles are lit, people with reverent awe touch the metal doors, which keep bullet marks on them. The doors of the house where Miguel Henriquez lived his last day…”

(Punto Final, October 1997)

Source

Enriquez Frodden, Edgardo

Wikipedia has articles about other people with the surname Enriquez.

Edgardo Enriquez Frodden (more correctly Fredden , Spanish Edgardo Enríquez Frödden ; February 9, 1912, Concepción, Chile – November 1, 1996, Santiago University, Chile – 1972), minister of education in the government of Salvador Allende. Father of the leader of the Left Revolutionary Movement (MIR) Miguel Enriquez ^[1] .

1 Biography
1.1 Family and career
1.2 National Unity
1.3 Arrest and exile
2 Notes
3 Literature

Biography

Family and career

Born into a middle-class family that was prominent in the political history of the city of Concepción. His sister, Ines Henriquez Frodden (1913–1998), was a lawyer and leader of the Chilean Radical Party (English) (Russian and the first woman elected to the Chamber of Deputies of the Chilean Parliament. His brother, Humberto Enriquez Frodden (1907 – 1989), was a law professor, Chilean senator and minister of health. Another brother, Hugo Enriquez Frodden, held director of the Juan Aguirre Hospital in Santiago and was a member of the World Health Organization ^[2]

In 1930, Edgardo entered the medical school of the University of Concepción, graduating in 1936. As a student, he received several awards from the University of Concepción and the University of Chile. He married lawyer Raquel Espinosa Townsend and they had four children, his youngest son, Miguel Henriquez (1944 – 1974), founded the Left Revolutionary Movement (MIR) party and led the resistance against Pinochet’s dictatorship.

From 1938 he served at the Naval Academy, first as a doctor and then director of the Naval Hospital in Talcahuano. Received the rank of Captain in the Naval Medical Service. Also, Edgardo was a professor of anatomy and medicine in a number of schools and institutes, under his leadership the first conference Latin American Studies Conference was held in Concepción at 1969 year. ^[2]

Popular Unity

In July 1973, Salvador Allende, in order to appease his opponents in Congress who were systematically criticizing his democratically elected socialist government, began the formation of a new cabinet. Allende offered ministerial posts to members of the Christian Democratic Party, the party that traditionally represented the middle class in Chile ^[3] . In the midst of open political provocations from enemies in Congress, Allende found it difficult to find anyone who would agree to take the post of Minister of Education, since the reforms that he initiated met with serious obstacles. Educational reform, which increased spending on public education and universities and promoted access to higher education for the working class and people from the slums, faced strong opposition from private educational institutions (which were supported by the Roman Catholic Church hierarchy and the employers’ organization), in which the Chilean elite used to give away their children to prevent them from associating with lower class people.
nine0007

In this situation, Edgardo Frodden assumed the post of Minister of Education, but his tenure was soon interrupted due to the overthrow of the Allende government on September 11, 1973.

Arrest and exile

After the overthrow of the government of Popular Unity and the death of President Salvador Allende, the military junta declared the former members of the government to be enemies of the state. They have been removed from the country’s political scene in various ways. Frodden was arrested, imprisoned, and then transferred to a remote concentration camp on Dawson Island. At 19In 76 he went into exile with his wife and settled in Oxford, from where he moved to Mexico in 1978, where he remained until 1991 ^[4] , devoting his life to campaigning for missing persons in Chile and denouncing human rights violations, committed by the Pinochet regime.

Died November 1, 1996 in Santiago.

Notes

↑ List of Ministers of the Popular Unity Government of Salvador Allende. (undefined) salvador-allende.cl . Retrieved 10 May 2012. Archived from the original on 14 February 2012.