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Trujillo Metropolitano – Wikipedia, la enciclopedia libre

Coordenadas: 8°06′43″S 79°01′44″O / -8. 112, -79.0288

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Trujillo Metropolitano, es un área metropolitana peruana que tiene como núcleo central a la ciudad de Trujillo, capital del departamento de La Libertad; esta área metropolitana se ubica en la costa norte del país y se extiende sobre un territorio de aproximadamente 110 000ha está conformada por áreas urbanas y rurales de nueve distritos^[2]​ de la provincia de Trujillo.

Esta área metropolitana fue reconocida oficialmente, mediante la Ordenanza Municipal N° 05-95-MPT, que aprobó el “Plan de Desarrollo Metropolitano de Trujillo al año 2010”, promulgada el 30 de noviembre de 1995.

Índice

• 1 Historia
• 2 Planificación
• 3 Extensión y estructura
  • 3.1 Límites
  • 3.2 Trujillo Metropolitano
    • 3.2.1 Transporte marítimo
• 4 Población
  • 4. 1 Evolución demográfica
• 5 Véase también
• 6 Referencias
• 7 Enlaces externos

El Centro histórico de Trujillo estuvo desde la época colonial separado de las demás localidades cercanas por la Muralla de Trujillo. En el siglo XX esta muralla fue derribada para dar paso a la expansión urbana, la ciudad actualmente se encuentra extendida desde la Plaza de Armas de Trujillo hacia los cuatro puntos cardinales y de la antigua muralla solo quedan algunos fragmentos históricamente conservados. No obstante, Trujillo ha tenido gran influencia hacia las ciudades cercanas desde hace décadas, teniendo gran interacción con ellas. La integración urbana de algunas de esas ciudades a la metrópoli ha ocasionado su crecimiento. Una fotografía aérea desde el satélite muestra una sola trama urbana donde es difícil diferenciar los límites de Trujillo y sus distritos metropolitanos conurbados, prácticamente separados solo administrativamente.

En las últimas tres décadas ha aumentado su población en 1981 tenía 403 337 habitantes, el año 2007 alcanzó 804 296 hab. ; en 1995 la municipalidad provincial de Trujillo presentó el Plan de desarrollo Metropolitano de Trujillo 1995 – 2010 como instrumento de gestión para guiar el crecimiento y desarrollo conservando su identidad cultural.^[3]​

Planificación[editar]

La municipalidad provincial de Trujillo es responsable de la planificación urbana de Trujillo Metropolitano y para realizarlo tiene como órgano de apoyo al Plan de Desarrollo Territorial de Trujillo llamado PLANDET,^[4]​ que tiene entre sus funciones promover, formular, conducir, supervisar y evaluar permanentemente la gestión, ejecución y actualización del Plan de Desarrollo Metropolitano de Trujillo y de los Planes de Desarrollo Local complementarios, en coordinación con los órganos municipales pertinentes. El PLANDET es el órgano que emite la información oficial de conformación distrital de Trujillo metropolitano.

Extensión y estructura[editar]

El área metropolitana de Trujillo ocupa un territorio cuya extensión aproximada es de 110 000 hectáreas, y comprende la parte baja del Valle de Moche o Valle de Santa Catalina y los intervalles hasta el valle de Chicama hacia el norte y el valle de Virú hacia el sur, teniendo como eje articulador al proyecto de irrigación Chavimochic. ^[2]​

Límites[editar]

El área metropolitana de Trujillo tiene como límites:^[5]​

• Por el oeste: frente marítimo de la provincia de Trujillo.
• Por el norte: hasta los límites con la provincia de Ascope.
• Por el sur: hasta los límites con la provincia de Virú
• Por el este: el límite está definido por la línea que une las cumbres de la primera cadena de montañas de los andes occidentales.

Trujillo Metropolitano[editar]

Trujillo Metropolitano, comprende el llamado «Continuo Urbano de Trujillo» conformado por los distritos de Trujillo, El Porvenir, Florencia de Mora, La Esperanza y Víctor Larco Herrera,^[6]​ y el sector El Milagro del distrito de Huanchaco;^[3]​ así como el conjunto de asentamientos humanos urbanos y rurales del valle de Santa Catalina, de la cuenca baja del río Moche, que corresponden a los distritos de Huanchaco, Laredo, Moche y Salaverry, organizados como una sola unidad de planeamiento.

Transporte marítimo[editar]

Artículo principal: Puerto de Salaverry

La infraestructura de transporte marítimo con la que cuenta Trujillo está constituida principalmente por el Puerto de Salaverry ubicado en el distrito del mismo nombre, cuenta con dos muelles de atraque de 225 m. y de 230 m. y cuatro amarraderos,^[7]​ lo que le permite recibir simultáneamente cuatro naves de gran calado; este puerto es el principal de la región pues a través de él se exporta la producción regional de La Libertad; además recibe naves de instrucción militar y naves turísticas tipo crucero de todas partes del mundo.^[8]​^[9]​ El puerto de Salaverry tiene influencia en las regiones La Libertad, Lambayeque, Cajamarca, y Ancash; actualmente es uno de los puertos comerciales más activos del país.^[10]​

Respecto a los distritos que conforman Trujillo Metropolitano,^[2]​ su población se encuentra distribuida de la siguiente manera:

Código Ubigeo	Distrito Metropolitano	Población Censo 2017	Población Estimada 2023	Área (km2)	Densidad (hab/km2)	Partido (2023-2026)
130101	Trujillo	314,939	356,889	38. 23	8 238
130102	El Porvenir	190,461	246,711	38.38	4 962.50
130103	Florencia de Mora	37,262	38,944	2.50	14 904.8
130104	Huanchaco	68,409	95,505	318.6	214.71
130105	La Esperanza	189,206	238,995	21.12	8 958.6
130106	Laredo	37,206	45,265	492.1	75.6
130107	Moche	37,436	45,541	27.32	1 370.2
130109	Salaverry	18,944	24,486	287.3	65.93
130111	Víctor Larco Herrera	68,506	82,897	11. 85	5 781.09
Total		962 369	1 175 233	1 237.4	777.73	–

Evolución demográfica[editar]

De acuerdo al Plan de Desarrollo Urbano Metropolitano de Trujillo 2012- 2022, Trujillo Metropolitano tenía el año 2017 una población de 962 369 habitantes, con datos del censo realizado por el INEI. Según el Plan de desarrollo metropolitano de Trujillo restando la población de los distritos de Poroto y de Simbal pertenecientes a la provincia de Trujillo, que no forman parte del área metropolitana de Trujillo, se obtiene la población de Trujillo metropolitano.^[3]​ Según datos del Plan de desarrollo Metropolitano de Trujillo y del INEI en el siguiente gráfico de distribución poblacional se puede observar la evolución demográfica de Trujillo metropolitano desde 1940 hasta 2017.

Véase también[editar]

• Áreas metropolitanas del Perú
• Provincia de Trujillo
• Trujillo
• Distritos de la ciudad de Trujillo

Referencias[editar]

1. ↑ «PERU: ESTIMACIONES Y PROYECCIONES DE POBLACION POR DEPARTAMENTO, PROVINCIA Y DISTRITO, 2018 – 2020». INEI. Consultado el 22 de julio de 2020. 
2. ↑ ^{a b c} Plandet, ed. (2009). «Plan estratégico de desarrollo integral y sostenible de Trujillo (a:Pág.15; b: Pág.12)». Archivado desde el original el 24 de septiembre de 2015. Consultado el 29 de agosto de 2012. 
3. ↑ ^{a b c} «Plan de Desarrollo Metropolitano de Trujillo 1995- 2010». 
4. ↑ Municipalidad Provincial de Trujillo (ed.). «Plan de desarrollo Territorial de Trujillo (PLANDET)». Consultado el 3 de octubre de 2012. 
5. ↑ PLANDET. «Plan de Desarrollo Urbano Metropolitano de Trujillo 2012-2022». p. 24. Archivado desde el original el 24 de septiembre de 2015. Consultado el 28 de septiembre de 2020. 
6. ↑ Municipalidad Provincial de Trujillo (2011). «El Área Metropolitana de Trujillo». Plan Estratégico de Desarrollo Integral y Sostenible de Trujillo. pag. 14. Trujillo: M.P.T. 
7. ↑ Empresa Nacional de Puertos, Instalaciones del terminal portuario de Salaverry. Consultado el 8 de julio de 2009.
8. ↑ CARRANZA REYES, María Mercedes (2014). «EL TURISMO DE NEGOCIOS Y LA ACTIVIDAD TURISTICA EN LA CIUDAD DE TRUJILLO». UNIVERSIDAD NACIONAL DE TRUJILLO: 33. Consultado el 9 de agosto de 2020. 
9. ↑ «Trujillo (Salaverry) – Norwegian Cruise Line». Consultado el 28 de septiembre de 2020. 
10. ↑ «Inicio Nuestros proyectos Puerto Salaverry Puerto Salaverry». BID Invest. 24 de septiembre de 2019. Consultado el 9 de agosto de 2020. 

Enlaces externos[editar]

• Ubicación del Área metropolitana de Trujillo

photos and tourist information

20-01-2016

Section: Cities

Tags:
Trujillo
Peru
cities

The special history of Trujillo

Today Trujillo is the fourth largest city in Peru with about 700,000 inhabitants. But the history of Trujillo is not inferior to the present.

Trujillo was built one of the first, at the very beginning of colonization, in 1534. It got its name in honor of the Spanish city of the same name, in which the legendary conquistador Francisco Pizarro , also known as the Conqueror of Peru, was born. After its foundation, Trujillo was chosen by the Spanish nobility, thanks to which the city was decorated with rich buildings of the 16th century.

Outstanding architecture of Trujillo

The Spaniards left here many architectural monuments that have successfully survived to this day. The colonial buildings of Trujillo impress even sophisticated travelers! But not only it has survived, but also the irrigation system, which for almost five hundred years has been providing record harvests in the vicinity of Trujillo.

When walking around Trujillo, it is worth paying attention not only to the buildings of the old city, but also to the details – forged lattices, carvings, etc. In the vast majority of cases, they are original, survived centuries.

And, of course, Trujillo has many beautiful Catholic churches headed by the Cathedral. There are also several picturesque monasteries. The bishop’s palace and the town hall are also interesting.

Trujillo and the war of liberation

Named after the birthplace of the Conqueror Peru, Trujillo nevertheless played a crucial role in the struggle for independence from the Spanish crown. The leader of the struggle for sovereignty Simon Bolivar had his headquarters here during the war of liberation. And it was in this city that the independence of Peru was proclaimed in 1820. In Trujillo, as in every self-respecting Peruvian city, there are Plaza of Arms (Plaza de Armas) – the monument there, the Statue of Liberty, recalls this event.

Ancient monuments in the vicinity of Trujillo

After seeing the colonial architecture of the historic center of Trujillo, you can move on to the ancient monuments in the vicinity of the city. There are several of them in the area.

Peru is famous as the heart of the Inca Empire, but the first manifestations of civilization appeared here even earlier. The main cultures whose heritage can be found in the vicinity of Trujillo are Mochica and Chinu. Another important attraction is the Pyramid of the Moon and the Pyramid of the Sun not far from the city. But the largest prehistoric monument near Trujillo is Chan Chan.

Chan Chan

Chan Chan was the capital of the state Chinmor which was created by the Chimu people. Unlike other ancient cities of Peru, built high in the mountains by the Incas, Chan Chan appeared on the ocean as a real port. Another feature is the building material. Chan Chan is one of the largest cities in the world, built from adobe, that is, unbaked clay. It was a really big city, according to scientists, about one hundred thousand people lived in it!

Today, during an excursion to Chan Chan, you can see its correct layout, the remains of pyramids and residential buildings, and jewels found by archaeologists. Experts UNESCO added Chan Chan to the World Heritage List.

Climate of Trujillo

Trujillo is close enough to the equator that the weather varies little from month to month. Another feature of this city is very rare rains . In January, which is considered the wettest month here, only 1 mm of precipitation falls. The warmest in Trujillo is in February: +22C – +25C, and the coolest is in August, when the temperature drops to +17C.

How to get to Trujillo

The easiest way to take a flight from Lima – they leave around 6.00, 17.00 and 20.00 local time. The distance from the airport to the city is 10 km, there is a taxi and public transport.

Another option is a bus from the capital, it is cheaper, but the journey takes 8 hours.

Huaraz→

Chiclayo→

←Cajamarca

←Ayacucho

←Puno

←Arequipa

←Lima

←Cusco

Between forest and desert

Haiti and the Dominican Republic: how two completely different ecosystems developed on one island

The case of Haiti and the Dominican Republic was made famous by the popularizer of science, Jared Diamond. In his book Collapse: Why Some Societies Prosper and Others Fail, he essentially ranked the Dominican Republic in the former and the Republic of Haiti in the latter. Other experts agree with this assessment. The moment when this “great divergence” occurred also seems unambiguous to many: at 19In 67, Dominican President Joaquin Balaguer introduced a ban on deforestation, while charcoal was still actively used in Haiti. The result can be seen in the satellite photo: in the Dominican Republic, as of 2005, 28 percent of the territory is covered with forest, and in Haiti – only one percent. But the answer to the main question – how did it happen that two such close countries disposed of their forest resources in such a different way and whether this is precisely the reason for the difference in their development – is far from transparent.

Dead End Haiti

Situation
in which the Republic of Haiti finds itself today, experts often call
a dead end. On the western half of the island that Haiti shares with the Dominican
Republic, a little more mountains and a little less suitable for agriculture
lands. The people of Haiti are constantly cutting down forests as “because of poverty” – in order to
help out at least some money on the black market for wood, and “for the sake of
prospects” — a physical increase in the area of ​​agricultural land. AT
As a result, the soil is eroded and loses its fertility, agricultural yields
cultures are falling. Further, the forest is cut down again, the soil is eroded again –
and so on in a circle. Added to this is the ever-increasing pressure associated with
population growth, and the Haitian habit of cooking
food charcoal, obtained, again, when deforestation.

Not allowed
to say that modern Haitians do not understand what their personal
“logging”. Numerous humanitarian missions on the island and
state media told every citizen of the country in detail why
nature on the island is on the verge of collapse and why do they need forests. But
Haitians fell into a trap well-known to economists, which is associated with
collective use of a public good and is known as
“tragedy of the commons”. It is difficult for a large social group to agree on compliance with the rules,
concerning resources that are in free use, since momentary
the needs of each outweigh the potential benefits for all in the future. How
proved the Nobel laureate in economics Elinor Ostrom, a way out of the “tragedy
communities” is possible only through the formation of complex social institutions that
create incentives for self-restraint of selfish behavior, but do not prohibit
him at all. True, now the Haitian forests and such institutions will no longer help – the forests
almost destroyed and on their own is unlikely to be reborn.

This
the picture can be supplemented with one more nuance – either the most, or one of the most
poor countries of the world, Haiti, according to geologists, has a potentially huge
oil reserves – in some places, oil and gas raw materials appear on
the surface of the earth. While for other hydrocarbon-rich countries
urgent issues of overcoming the “oil trap” and finding alternative ways
development, Haiti simply does not develop this resource.

attempts
explain what exactly went wrong and why the development of the Republic of Haiti went into
a dead end, many have been attempted over the past few decades. Economists
sociologists, geographers and political scientists have tried and are trying to find the reasons
what happened. There are quite a few versions. From landscape-climatic – to
territory of Haiti’s eastern neighbor, the Dominican Republic, is located
high mountain range, which, on the one hand, feeds the rivers flowing to
east, and on the other hand, it slows down precipitation, which as a result does not reach the western
parts of the island. Before historical – scientists, including Jared Diamond, are turning
to Haiti’s past, the last five centuries of which include a long
period of colonial rule and slavery. But all this does not make it clear
explain why the Dominican Republic took the lead, and the Republic of Haiti was in
dead end.

One
island, two countries

Island
Haiti was discovered by Christopher Columbus in 1492, after which the local population
was almost completely destroyed. Having done away with the natives and those available on
island with gold reserves, at the beginning of the 16th century, the colonialists began to import to Haiti
slaves from Africa and cultivate them through the efforts of sugarcane plantations. In 1677
year in the western part of the island, which is now occupied by the Republic of Haiti,
the French settled. The eastern part, the future territory of the Dominican
Republic, still remained with the Spaniards. Then, using weakening
France after the revolution, the slaves in the western part of the island held a series of successful
uprisings and in 1804 declared independence. The fate of the eastern part
remained uncertain for a long time – its inhabitants then called on Spain to be more active
take part in their affairs, then became the object of annexation by
neighboring Haiti, and independence was finally established there only in 1865
year.

Logical
it would be assumed that in this early wrested independence lies the reason
all the troubles of Haiti, while the Dominican Republic managed to take advantage of some
the benefits of a longer stay in colony status. However, as
shows the further history of the two states, this fact in itself is hardly
was of particular importance. At least not for political history. From 1843 to
1915 Haiti had 22 presidents, of which 21 were assassinated. In a similar
period from 1844 to 19In 1930, the Dominican Republic experienced 30 revolutions and 50 presidents. And
in both countries, as a result, dictators came to power who managed to keep
her for decades.

B
At this point, political scientists join the discussion. Perhaps it was all about
difference in the relations of the two republics with the United States, on such an explanation
insisted political scientist Eric Ruord. According to him, warmer relations
American administration with the dictator of the Dominican Republic, based on the “policy
good-neighborliness”, curbed the level of corruption and repression in the country. In my
turn, the Republic of Haiti did not use the support of the United States, and therefore the dictatorial
There was no restriction on the roam. But more recent scholars dispute this.
thesis (and Ruorda himself, it seems, in the end ceases to believe in it) – how
only in the east of the island did large-scale ethnic cleansing begin, “politics
good-neighborliness” was fading away, but this did not prevent the Dominican dictators from surviving,
exploiting the sinister image of “American imperialism”.

Own
sociologists Lawrence Harrison and
Samuel Huntington, initiators and authors of the Culture Matters project. They turned to
culture of the two countries and suggested that the inhabitants of the Republic of Haiti, descendants
slaves taken out of Africa are still under the strong influence of the system
voodoo beliefs, which teaches that any planning of life is meaningless,
since the threads of its control are in the hands of capricious spirits, to come to an agreement with
which only priests can. Such a feeling of helplessness, believes
Huntington, contradicts not only the building of democratic values, but also
any progress at all. True, the supporters of this point of view do not explain
why the same former slaves from the Dominican Republic managed to overcome the religious
ancestral fatalism.

No
even leaving aside this slightly absurd explanation, indeed
Haiti and the Dominican Republic formed two fundamentally different
society. The society of former slaves, having dealt with the white population,
legally forbade foreigners to own land and influence through
investment in production, which from the very beginning alienated potential
European investors. By contrast, in the Dominican Republic, attitudes towards
immigrants were more tolerant, and the society itself was more European and, moreover,
same Hispanic, unlike the Haitians with their Creole dialect. However, researchers
thinkers in this vein are still faced with the need to prove that
it was this chain of cultural differences that played a decisive role in the fact that the ways
two neighboring states so diverged. Link cultural patterns and mechanism,
through which they affect in different ways those accepted by the individual, society and
by the state – decisions, it does not always work out.

One island, two dictators

Relationships
neighboring states today leave much to be desired. Residents of Haiti in an attempt to master
new cultivable land and get wood for production
coal illegally cross the border with the Dominican Republic. Dominican authorities
Republics are trying to hold back the onslaught. Haitians at every opportunity
are reminiscent of two episodes in the common history of nations when Haiti
annexed the Dominican Republic—they form the basis of national pride
Haiti and the feeling of one’s own superiority.

B
1930 in the Dominican Republic, after many decades of revolutionary upheavals to
Rafael Trujillo came to power. He became the first president who could
seize power and win elections with almost a 100% result. And although the regime
he rested on widely used repressions, it was under him that the country’s economy
began development and took the first steps towards modernization. In particular,
Trujillo took measures to protect forests from deforestation, banning the widespread in the weak
developed countries slash-and-burn agriculture. A separate pride of Trujillo
was to get rid of the legacy of the American occupation of the island, caused by the fact that
the island nation was unable to repay the loan – the Dominican Republic received
the ability to independently collect and regulate the external
debt customs duties, without an additional intermediary in the face of the United States. gaining
such financial independence has spurred economic growth.

First
the decade of Trujillo’s reign really was for him and for the
regime is extremely successful. Economic growth, investment inflows and good
relations with the West in general and with the United States in particular contributed to an overall increase
standard of living. As American political scientists John Higler and Richard Gunter write, before
of course, Trujillo himself and his family were the richest, but along with them to new
sources of rent – trade flows, deposits, new industries – were
elites loyal to him are also admitted. Among them were business groups that did not claim
on political power, army command and even ordinary soldiers and
police officers, who received annual salary increases, bought new equipment and
awarded successive titles. Trujillo knew how to share the “economic pie” with
people personally devoted to him.

Tem
however, direct political opponents of Trujillo, as usual
Latin American or African dictator, eliminated with the help of loyal
special services. Since the mid-1950s, natural fatigue from his rule and
the growing discontent of the younger generation that grew up under Trujillo led to a surge
social protest. The large-scale uprising of 1956 was crushed, repression
intensified many times over. A few months later, the Dominican intelligence services
kidnapped in the center of New York one of the main Dominican opposition professors
Galindes, which put an end to relations with the United States. Economic growth is practically
stopped, the sources of rent for the elite began to dry up. Trujillo himself launched into
foreign policy adventures in an attempt to overthrow the governments of neighboring
states. At 1961, representatives of the same army and business circles, on
which Trujillo relied on in the first ten years of his reign, committed
successful assassination attempt on the dictator and took power into their own hands.

Per
during the reign of Trujillo managed to minimize one of the main causes of deforestation
forests. Partial industrialization of the economy and the growth of the average standard of living for all
Dominicans have reduced incentives to mine coal and sell timber just for the sake of
food. But with the death of the dictator and the flight of his successor Joaquín Balaguer to
United States, the central government has weakened, and the process of active logging in the Dominican Republic
resumed. Against the background of political upheavals, instability and the beginning
on the island of civil war, the interests of influential
American companies that invested in the economy of the republic. under the slogan
defense of the republic from the communist threat in 1965 americans
occupied the eastern part of the island, and as Dominican president
Balaguer turned out to be again. The capitals of the direct opponents of his regime are largely
depended just on the sale of the forest, which Trujillo’s heir did not fail
take advantage.

B
In 1967, Balaguer launched a large-scale information campaign about the need
forest conservation, banned commercial logging and transferred
powers for the armed protection of forests of the army. At the same time using
armed forces, the president defeated several dozen sawmills of his opponents,
and he repressed the caught “lumberjacks”. This policy gave Balaguer a double
legitimacy. On the one hand, the conservation of forests, and hence the energy,
agricultural, and ultimately the economic potential of the country
enjoyed popular support. On the other hand, the ban on logging
aligned with the interests of American companies and local elites, and created
Balaguer has an acceptable image in the international arena. K 1967 private
U.S. investment in the Dominican Republic reached $150 million.

On
in the west of the island, events partially developed in a similar vein. In the autumn of 1957 to
power in Haiti came to his dictator – Francois Duvalier, later nicknamed “Papa
Doc.” This was preceded by a year of fierce struggle with political opponents,
including terrorist acts against civilians and mass
shooting of protesters. Being no less a tough dictator than Trujillo, the Pope
The dock, however, lost to its neighbor in terms of modernization potential. He
did not begin to build the country’s domestic policy on a complex combination of negative and
positive incentives aimed at maintaining the loyalty of the elite and the population.
Duvalier’s power rested solely on violence. At the same time, he positioned
himself as a powerful voodoo sorcerer, revealingly sticking needles into
figurines depicting external “enemies of Haiti” such as US President John
Kennedy.

B
In 1971, Duvalier died in office, and the period of his reign for
the economy of the republic turned out to be more destructive than the reign of an entire
succession of his predecessors, endlessly succeeding each other. hunger and
“forced donation” – trading in one’s own blood on the black market for
subsequent deliveries to developed countries – for residents of the northern regions of the island
have become commonplace. No environmental policy, forest conservation and
other aspects of modernization were out of the question. throne for life
the dictator-president was inherited by his son, nicknamed “Baby Doc”, who,
despite some political and economic concessions, continued
his father’s politics for another fifteen years.

Elites
are relevant

V
in the end, it seems that the whole thing is in the personal qualities of the dictators and the Dominican Republic with this
slightly more fortunate than Haiti. Trujillo was interested in stopping
deforestation, the start of modernization and the beginning of economic growth, while Papa Doc
these incentives were absent. However, in reality, the love story for the forest turns out to be a little
more difficult, and neither Balaguer nor his predecessor Trujillo should be listed as eco-activists.
Suffice it to recall that at the end of the second presidential term, Trujillo appropriated
most of the forest area and personally resumed deforestation in the Dominican Republic. Truth,
as modern ecologists say, the methods of harvesting at Trujillo’s sawmills are still
were much more environmentally friendly than before: some of today’s nature reserves
Dominican Republic consists of old trees, prudently left in times
Trujillo as sources for seeds and “replenishers” of forest flora.

American
historian and sociologist Emilio Betans recommends going back to the beginning
post-colonial period of the countries under discussion. From the beginning of independent
history of the Republic of Haiti, its land was mainly in the hands of small
owners, former slaves. In the Dominican Republic, on the contrary, large land areas
belonged to the state. This facilitated foreign investment: large
it is easier for business to negotiate with one dictator than with a large number of constantly
property owners harassed by this dictator. Of course, under constant
political struggle of all against all in both states on long-term
guarantees of property rights were out of the question, but the number of investors willing to invest
in Dominican plantations or trade, still exceeded the number of applicants
risk money in the west of the island. And as time went by the choice became more and more
obvious.

Divergence point

At first glance, the point of divergence between Haiti and the Dominican Republic is obvious: in order to move along the path of modernization, it is enough to stop deforestation and find other sources of development, in addition to scarce natural resources. However, a much more important question is how to do it? A direct ban, as can be seen from the experience of even the late Dominican Republic, helped little. As soon as Balaguer and the part of the elite supporting him lost their positions in power, the new government softened environmental laws and resumed logging. And an even more important question – what made one of the dictators, unlike the second, care about the good of the country? It is unlikely that the reasons for this are rooted only in the difference in cultural characteristics of the two societies or in the influence of the American policy of good neighborliness. But it was precisely the incentives that prompted Trujillo to carry out at least partial economic modernization that actually became the main reasons for the “divergence” in the fate of the two states of one island.

K
In addition, as Bethans emphasizes, around the same years, the Dominican Republic,
primarily due to its geographical location, as well as openness
foreigners, has become a place of attraction for political emigrants – from Libya, Cuba,
Germany, Italy, later they were joined by Kurosao and Austrian
Jews, Japanese. Due to the similarity of languages, it was to the Dominican Republic that they immigrated
many Spaniards. Political immigrants sometimes managed to bring with them and
own capitals. But even without them, educated representatives of foreign
the middle class, who retained social ties and accumulated experience, contributed to
development of industrial sectors of the economy.

It seemed
would, on the scale of several years or even two or three decades, extremely
risky investments, as well as a weak influx of high-quality human
capital – factors not too significant to create a “great divergence”. But
political scientists Jonathan Hartlin and George Holmes independently come to
similar conclusion – all this made it possible to “blur” the local elite, to make it less
homogeneous than that of its neighbors on the island. it
the formation of stable sectoral elite groups occurred even before the advent of
power of Trujillo, who began to use this factor to keep
authorities.

Hartlin
agrees that the dictator Trujillo, of course, like his predecessors,
preferred to promote his friends and family members to significant government
posts, and repressed direct opponents without pity. However, he also understood
that for the long-term retention of power – which is shown by the experience of previous
decades in the Dominican Republic – this is not enough, he needs at least some
allies on whom he could additionally rely. Speaking in terms
political science, Trujillo formed a demand for a broad elite
coalition. The main difference between the Dominican Republic and Haiti was precisely that
that there were enough potential groups in the country that could enter the
elite coalition and not fight each other. These groups consisted of
descendants of immigrants who have already accumulated capital on the island, as well as American businessmen,
invested in the economy of the republic during its occupation by US troops. Involvement
into the politics of these groups expanded Trujillo’s social base and pushed
modernization of the Dominican Republic.

How
shows George Holmes, one of these groups – people from business circles
Santiago, the second largest city in the Dominican Republic, managed to push through
“green” agenda at the state level. Back in the 1920s, lawyer Huang
Baptiste Pérez Rancière and surveyor Miguel Canela y Lázaro were able to insist on
introduction of the first forest protection measures: the Santiago Chamber of Commerce bought the land where
logging was launched, and created on it almost the first in the Dominican Republic
reserve. She was pushed to this not so much by altruistic as by commercial
considerations. The province of Santiago at that time was the most “plowed” area
Republic – the rapid reduction of forest areas worsened the soil and in
the future threatened the agricultural business with serious losses.

Expert opinion

It is hard for me to imagine that in a poor country some drastic reforms were carried out for the sake of the environment as such. At least, I do not know such cases and I doubt that this case is an exception among many. It is unlikely that the Dominican Republic had any long-term plan for landscaping. I can say for sure that they stopped cutting down forests not because they took care of them, but because at some point the need for it simply decreased. Poor countries generally do not tend to think in long time horizons, which is the case when we talk about sustainable development. Most likely, it was a natural process associated with industrialization, which the Dominican Republic, unlike Haiti, nevertheless managed to carry out. As a result, the burden on the environment has decreased, because the forests on this island are needed, in general, only for fuel. If you build a hydroelectric power station, the need for them disappears. It is quite possible that, in parallel, the elites began to spin the “green” story in order to attract investment, develop tourism, create an image, and so on.

In Haiti, the situation is such that there is no access to new technologies due to the poverty of the population. Poverty and bad ecology form a vicious circle. In poor countries, the environment is not taken care of, which, in turn, increases the pressure on the environment and further self-reproduces poverty, because resources become scarcer. In order to resolve the “tragedy of common resources”, either trust between people or effective government intervention is needed. In Managing the Common, Nobel laureate Elinor Ostrom has written extensively about how communities can negotiate locally among themselves to keep shared resources stable, but apparently Haiti has failed to do so.

Igor Makarov
Associate Professor of the Faculty of World Economy and International Affairs National Research University Higher School of Economics

Yes
under Trujillo, the issues of modernization and ecology were closely linked, and most importantly
– incentives are correctly placed, which a dictator would do well to ignore
lesion. Environmental slogans resonated with a wide range of hearts
Dominicans, providing an additional source of legitimacy for almost
permanent president. The preservation of the Dominican forests has become a trump card of allies
Trujillo and in the international arena, attracting foreign investment and even
tourists. The benefits of pro-environmental policy were so high that it
Trujillo’s successors followed.

Yes,
Jonathan Hartlin shows that already under Balaguer the “green question” became
an integral part of party election campaigns. For example, in the manifest
current ruling Dominican Liberation Party environmental sustainability
listed as a priority. Moreover, the social movements of the “green”,
initially non-political, and therefore escaped the attention of dictators, from the middle
1980s are gaining momentum, becoming politicized, demanding changes not only in the green
politics, but also in ensuring rights and freedoms and thus become
driving force for the democratization of the Dominican Republic.

What
As for Haiti, even if Papa Doc is more peaceful, he still has no one to
it would be leaning to hold power, in addition to law enforcement agencies, the army and the nearest
relatives. The reason for the “divergence” between Haiti and the Dominican Republic lies precisely in
that in the west of the island there were no opportunities for the formation of elite
groups capable of not being at enmity, but of cooperating with each other for the benefit of all
countries. Even if there were foreign businessmen willing to invest in
Haiti’s economy, im to overcome the constitutional ban on land ownership
foreigners had to marry locals, thereby
getting involved in centuries-old strife.

Rescue
for the Dominican Republic, there was almost no foreign investment in Haiti,
high-quality human capital from the country emigrated or became
victim of another dictator, even the American occupation of the island did not help –
The United States in Haiti was more likely to limit the mythical German expansion in
Latin America than the real protection of the interests of the remnants of American
corporations on the island.