Palo de la bandera: Palo de Bandera – www.reni.mx

Bandera personalizada grapada a palo

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Bandera grapada a palo

La bandera grapada a palo es una de las piezas más ideales y versátiles de nuestro catálogo. ¿Por qué motivo? Porque son perfectas para cualquier tipo de evento o celebración.

Lo primero que debes saber de esta bandera personalizada es que tiene una composición de poliéster de 110gr, perfectamente capacitado para su resistencia en exteriores. Además, tiene un acabado con corte láser que no deshila y está grapada en un palo de madera de 1cm de ancho y 40cm de largo, resistente y ligero.

La bandera grapada a palo es personalizada al 100% ya que se somete al proceso de sublimación en el que cualquier diseño que se desee puede ser estampado. Pueden ser banderas de países, diseños con logos o nombres, escudos de peñas, agrupaciones u organizaciones, o cualquier diseño que se cree.

¿Cuáles son los tamaños disponibles para esta bandera sublimada? Existe la posibilidad de hacer dos tamaños diferentes, uno de 20x30cm y otro de 40x60cm.

Como hemos comentado es un producto muy versátil ya que puede usarse con diferentes motivos, por ejemplo, en competiciones deportivas como el Mundial o la Eurocopa de fútbol con la bandera de los países. También en carreras de coches o motocross para animar desde las gradas. O incluso en eventos políticos como mitin de un partido político.

Si tienes alguna duda más sobre las banderas grapadas a palo, no dudes en consultarnos. ¡Estamos a tu disposición!

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Traducción el palo de la bandera al Inglés | Diccionario Español-Inglés

el palo de la bandera























































the flagpole
Asíq que clavamos el palo de la bandera en la hierba y cantamos…	So we stuck the flagpole in the grass and we sang…
Nosotros somos el primer edificio a la derecha con el palo de la bandera.	We are the first building on the right with the flagpole.
Otros ejemplos en contexto
Y seguramente hoy te acordarás de tu abuelo Jaume, más culé que el palo de la bandera.	And certainly you must remember your grandfather Jaume, more culé, closer to the club than the pole of our flag.
De esta sale una mano cerrada hecha de piedra para meter el palo de la bandera.	In the latter, a closed fist made of stone sticks out.
¡Lo que quiero hacer, más que nada, es colgar tus tripas en el palo de la bandera, gusanito!	What I want to do more than anything else is run your guts up a flagpole, you little worm!
El disparo de Woods en el 15to hoyo de la segunda ronda chocó contra el palo de la bandera y se fue al agua.	Woods’ shot on the 15th hole of the second round hit the flag stick and bounced back into the water.

         sm  

1   
(=vara)     (de poco grosor)
   stick  ,   (fijo en el suelo)
   post

[+de telégrafos, tienda de campaña]   pole  

[+de herramienta]   handle, shaft  
le pegó con un palo      he hit him with a stick  
las gallinas estaban subidas en el palo      the hens were sitting on the perch  
el palo de la fregona      the mop handle  
→ política de palo y zanahoria      carrot and stick policy  
MODISMOS estar hecho un palo      to be as thin o skinny as a rake  
MODISMOS meter palos en las ruedas      to throw a spanner in the works  
MODISMOS más tieso que un palo        
andaba más tieso que un palo      he walked bolt upright  
te voy a poner más tieso que un palo      I’m going to give you a good hiding  
REFRANES de tal palo tal astilla :   like father like son  
♦
  palo de escoba   broomstick  
♦
  palo ensebado   greasy pole

2   
(=madera)  
cuchara de palo      wooden spoon  
pata de palo      wooden leg, peg leg  

3   
(=golpe)   blow  
un par de palos es lo que tú necesitas      what you need is a good hiding  
→ dar o pegar un palo a algn     
(=golpear)   to hit sb with a stick  
*  
(=timar)   to rip sb off *     
los críticos le dieron un palo a la obra      the critics slated the play *     
vaya palo me pegaron en ese restaurante      they really ripped me off in that restaurant *     
dar de palos a algn      to give sb a beating  
MODISMOS andar a palos      *   to be always squabbling o fighting  
MODISMOS dar palos de ciego        (peleando)
   to lash out wildly,   (buscando una solución)
   to take a stab in the dark  
MODISMOS no dar o pegar (ni) palo al agua      *   to not lift a finger  
MODISMOS moler a algn a palos      to give sb a beating  
MODISMOS ni a palos      *   ni a palos va a aprender la lección      there’s no way he’s going to learn the lesson *     
ni a palos me voy yo de aquí dejándote sola      wild horses wouldn’t make me go off and leave you on your own, there’s no way I would go off and leave you on your own *     

4    *  
(=disgusto)   bummer **  , nightmare *     
es un palo que te bajen el sueldo      it’s a real bummer **  o nightmare *   that they’re cutting your salary  
¡qué palo si suspendo!      it’ll be a real bummer **  o nightmare *   if I fail!  
→ dar palo        
me daría palo que se enterase      I would hate it if he found out  
→ llevarse un palo        
nos llevamos un palo muy gordo cuando descubrimos la verdad      it was a real blow when we found out the truth  
Manuel se ha llevado un gran palo con Luisa      Manuel has been badly let down by Luisa  

5      (Náut)   mast  
MODISMOS a palo seco     
[navegar]   under bare poles  

[comer, beber]  
nos tomamos el vino a palo seco      we had the wine on its own  
nos comimos el jamón a palo seco      we had the ham on its own, we had the ham with nothing to wash it down  
no pasa un día a palo seco        (Venezuela)   he never goes a single day without a drink  
vermut a palo seco      straight vermouth  
REFRANES que cada palo aguante su vela :   everyone should face up to their responsibilities  
♦
  palo de mesana   mizzenmast  
♦
  palo de trinquete   foremast  
♦
  palo mayor   mainmast

6      (Dep)  

6. 1   
[+de portería]   post  
el balón se coló entre los palos      the ball went between the posts  

6.2      (para golpear, en hockey)
   stick  ,   (en golf)
   club
♦
  palo de golf   golf club

7   
(=de uva)   stalk

8      (Tip, de b, d)   upstroke  ,   (de p, q)
   downstroke
hace los palos muy largos      he makes long strokes  

9      (Naipes)   suit  
cambiar de palo      to change suit  
seguir el palo      to follow suit  
♦
  palo del triunfo   trump suit, trumps    pl  

10      (Mús, en flamenco)   style

11      (esp LAm, Bot)   tree  
♦
  palo de hule     (CAm)   rubber tree  
♦
  palo de mango   mango tree  
♦
  palo dulce   liquorice root  
♦
  palo (de) rosa   rosewood  
♦
  palo santo   lignum vitae

12      (Venezuela)  
*  
[+de licor]   swig *  , slug *     
pegarse unos palos      to have a few drinks  
MODISMOS darse al palo      to take to drink  
MODISMOS a medio palo      half-drunk  

13      (Chile)  
*   MODISMOS tirar el palo      *   to brag  
♦
  palo blanco   man of straw  
♦
  palo grueso   big shot *  

14      (Méx)  
***  
(=acto sexual)   screw ***     
echar un palo      to have a screw ***     

15      (Colombia, Venezuela)  
un palo de: un palo de casa      a marvellous house  
es un palo de hombre      he’s a great guy  
cayó un palo de agua      the rain came pouring down, there was a huge downpour *     

Traducción diccionario Collins Español – Inglés &nbsp



Consulte también:



palo ensebado, palo de escoba, palo de mesana, cuchara de palo




Diccionario colaborativo     Español-Inglés











Para rechazar esta entrada, por favor, escriba sus comentarios (mala traducción/ definición, entrada repetida…)



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Day in history. February 10: 80 years ago Stepan Bandera split the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN*)

https://ukraina.ru/20200210/1026623532.html

A day in history. February 10: 80 years ago Stepan Bandera split the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN*)

A day in history. February 10: 80 years ago Stepan Bandera split the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN*) – 07/13/2022 Ukraina.ru

A day in history. February 10: 80 years ago Stepan Bandera split the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN*)

On February 10, 1940, in Nazi-occupied Krakow, Stepan Bandera, under the leadership of Abwehr agent Richard Jara, proclaimed the creation of the “Revolutionary Wire of the OUN *”, which marked the beginning of the split of the organization

2022-07-13T11:11

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+7 495 645 66 01

FGUP MIA “Russia Today”

Oleg Khavych

history

History, OUN, Bandera, Shukhevych, collaborators, 1930s

Germany long before its formal creation.

Back in 1922, when the leader of the predecessor of the OUN, the Ukrainian Military Organization (UVO), Colonel Evgeny Konovalets , moved from Czechoslovakia to Germany, he gave the head of the Abwehr, Colonel Friedrich Gempp, an official obligation to place his organization at the full disposal of German military intelligence. It was about the transfer of intelligence information about the Polish army collected by the UVO to German intelligence in exchange for funding.

30 July 2019, 01:00

A day in history. July 30: Ukrainian nationalists in Prague created the forerunner of the OUN * On this day in 1920, the Ukrainian military organization – UVO was created. This underground nationalist structure united Ukrainian veterans of the First World War and the Civil War, who wanted to continue the struggle for the creation of a Ukrainian national state

Even then, the Abwehr created the “Bureau for the preparation of war with the help of national minorities”, and also formed a special fund through which various organizations were financed outside Germany, including the UVO, and later the OUN *, created in 1929 year. Yevgeny Konovalets also became the leader, or OUN Leader*, and his “right hand” was Richard Yara , who was also an assistant to the head of the aforementioned “Bureau”.

It is worth dwelling on the personality of Richard Yara, who later renamed himself Riko Yaroy in the Ukrainian manner.

According to the official biography, Richard Jary was born in the city of Rzeszow (now Poland) in the family of a major in the Austro-Hungarian army, who, after his retirement, left for his homeland, Moravia. Richard completed six classes of the gymnasium in Moravska Ostrava, and on September 19At the age of 14 he entered the military technical school. In 1916, he graduated from the military academy in Wiener Neustadt and, with the rank of lieutenant, was sent to the 9th Regiment of Dragoons in Kolomyia, where on January 17, 1917 he received the next rank of lieutenant.

After the end of the World War, Yari enrolled in the Ukrainian Galician Army with the rank of lieutenant. He commanded a sapper hundred, later – the 2nd cavalry regiment. Since 1919, he fought as part of the 5th Kherson Cavalry Regiment of the Army of the Ukrainian People’s Republic, together with which in 19On the year 20, he moved to the territory of Czechoslovakia and was interned. For some time he was the commandant of the camp for Ukrainian cavalry internees of the brigade of General Kraus in Uzhgorod.

In the same city in 1922, he married Reizel Shpilvogel from Przemysl, but already in 1923 he ended up in Munich, where he became secretary of the Ukrainian Officers’ Union and became close to Konovalets. The Polish historian Ryszard Tootzki writes that in Munich, Yari was trained at a reconnaissance and sabotage school.

February 3, 2019, 01:00 am

The birth of the beast. The “big gathering” of Ukrainian nationalists and the creation of the OUN * In the winter of 1929, three dozen men gathered in Vienna. The result of their gatherings was the formation of a movement that is well known in our time – the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, OUN *. At that time, hardly anyone noticed her appearance: a completely different agenda dominated in Europe. In the Soviet Union, this meeting was also unlikely to be taken seriously.

In 1929, Yari takes part in the First Great Gathering of Ukrainian nationalists in Vienna and is a member of the Provod, the highest governing body of the created OUN. From 19At the age of 30, he became the head of the intelligence department of the UVO, which by that time had begun to transform into the referentura (department) of the OUN * for military affairs.

All this time, Yari maintained contact between the leadership of the UVO/OUN* and the German secret services, controlled the flow of financial assistance sent to Ukrainian nationalists. He was repeatedly accused of embezzling part of these funds, because he lived in a big way, bought luxurious houses near Berlin and Vienna, and his wife flaunted jewelry.

Vladimir Martynets, close to Konovalets, who constantly communicated with Yara, later wrote:

“He knew how to do business well with foreigners, especially with the Germans in the interests of the UVO, knowing when to use demagogy and fiction, and when to use cunning and arrogance. Yary bought himself a villa with a garden in Falkensee, a suburb of Berlin. At first he hid it, later passed it off as his father’s inheritance. When it became known that his father had no real estate, he began to say that this was the inheritance of his mother. Later, he said that the estate was his wife’s dowry, which also did not correspond to reality.

Noticing jewels on Yary’s wife, many thought about the sources of his financial situation. On this occasion, there were many rumors among the nationalists, there was even an assumption about the work of his wife for the Soviet special services.

May 29, 2019, 17:00

Ukrainian Abwehr game. OUN* and German intelligence on the eve of the Great Patriotic WarIn the period between the two world wars, the German secret services carried out intelligence and subversive activities both against their western neighbors, primarily France, and against their eastern neighbors – Poland and Czechoslovakia. The military intelligence of the Abwehr, led by the intelligent and ambitious Admiral Wilhelm Canaris, was especially successful in this practice.0003

In addition, Yari himself collaborated with British intelligence for some time, and in the file cabinet of the Polish embassy in Berlin he was listed as a secret informant. Everything indicates that the trade in intelligence information for Yara was a business.

As Zinovy ​​Knysh notes in the book “Rozbrat”, “whereas for each member of the OUN revolutionary activity was associated with material difficulties, and sometimes with poverty, Yary had two estates, in Falkensee near Berlin and in Prignitz near Vienna. ”

At this time, the first doubts arise in Konovalets, and he begins to push the Yaras away from some business. He seeks support among the young members of the OUN *, sows in them distrust of the organization’s Wire and acts as a protector of the “small fish” and candidates for leading roles.

One of these candidates was Stepan Bandera .

The son of a village Greek Catholic priest, Stepan was a sickly child and suffered from rheumatism since childhood. Due to poor health, he even managed to join Plast on the third attempt. He compensated for this with political activity: at 19At the age of 23, in the fourth grade of the Stryi gymnasium, Stepan became one of the leaders of the underground Organization of High School Students of Ukrainian Gymnasiums, which fought against the Polish educational system.

April 24, 2019, 02:05

Volyn experiment: how the Poles tried to equip Ukraine and what came of it April 21, 1920 Symon Petliura signed an agreement with the leadership of Poland on the delimitation of borders, and on April 24 an additional document on a military alliance was signed, which launched hot phase of the Soviet-Polish war. A year later, Soviet Russia concluded an agreement with the Poles, essentially confirming the conditions of Petliurovsky.

The authorities of interwar Poland themselves contributed to the radicalization of sentiments among Ukrainians: in 1924, a ban was introduced on the use of the Ukrainian language in the administrative bodies of Volhynia and Eastern Galicia, including in the education system. Such actions of the Polish government led to the fact that if in the 1922-1923 academic years there were 2,532 Ukrainian schools in Galicia, then in 1929-1930 there were only 749 of them, and in 1937-1939 only 352 Ukrainian schools remained.

C 1928 to 1934 Bandera studied at the Lviv Polytechnic as an agronomist. However, this was more of a cover for his underground activities, because he did not study very well, took several academic holidays, did not complete the course of study and did not receive a diploma.

In November 1928, he was arrested for the first time for distributing illegal literature among Lvov students, as well as in the Kalush povet. In 1929, Stepan Bandera became a member of the OUN*, and in 1931, Ivan Gabrusevich, the regional guide of this organization in the Western Ukrainian lands (ZUZ), appointed him as an assistant to the propaganda department.

It was Gabrusevich who became the link between Bandera and Yara: in March 1932, in order to avoid arrest, the regional guide left for Germany, where he became Richard Yara’s adjutant. And a few months later, Bandera was summoned to the de facto German “free city” of Danzig (now Polish Gdansk) to study at an intelligence school, where Yari personally taught intelligence and counterintelligence classes.

Richard Jary immediately drew attention to an ambitious young man with a “brand” surname Bandera, which means “flag, banner” in translation. Researchers believe that it was thanks to the support of Yara that the career of 24-year-old Stepan Bandera in the OUN* went uphill, and in addition, thanks to the influence of Yara Bandera, he began to defend the introduction of terror as a form of struggle in the program of activities of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists*.

January 1, 2019, 08:07

Bandera came, he didn’t put things in order. What role did Bandera actually play in the OUN * On January 1, 1909, Stepan Bandera was born. Contrary to popular notions, he was never the unified and universally recognized leader of Ukrainian nationalists. Although the struggle for sole leadership in this environment was very bloody and many both supporters and opponents of Bandera fell in it, during his lifetime he never managed to become the most important boss

. January 19On the 33rd, regional guide Bohdan Kordyuk was fired for “amateur activity” – a failed attempt to rob the post office in Gorodok, and Stepan Bandera becomes the de facto leader of Ukrainian nationalists in Western Ukraine. At the conference of the OUN Wire, held in Berlin in July 1933 under the chairmanship of Yevgeny Konovalets, Bandera was officially approved in this position.

Bandera as the head of the regional organization of the OUN * significantly changed the nature of its activities.

Until now, the vast majority of armed uprisings by Ukrainian nationalists in Poland had an expropriation character, but under Bandera, terrorist activity intensified. All high-profile assassination attempts took place under his direct supervision, but the most resonant was the murder of the Minister of the Interior of Poland, Bronisław Peracki, committed on June 15, 1934 by order of Bandera – and contrary to the direct order of Konovalets.

The operation plan was developed by Roman Shukhevych, and the main organizer of the murder was Nikolai Lebed, both of Bandera’s closest associates. The perpetrator of the terrorist attack, Grigory Matseyko, managed to leave for Latin America, where the Nazis later tried to use him to organize an assassination attempt on US President Franklin Roosevelt – but that’s a completely different story.

It is noteworthy that Stepan Bandera and a number of other members of the OUN * involved in the murder of Peratsky were arrested the day before the attack, on June 14, 19On the 34th, on the basis of documents that the Czechoslovak authorities seized in Prague and handed over to Poland.

October 19, 2018, 15:59

Struggle for Transcarpathia: Nazis against the OUN* pieces of neighboring states. One of these states-donors of territories for the Ukrainian SSR was Hungary

We are talking about the so-called “Senik archive” (Omelyan Senik is a member of the OUN Wire*, a close associate of Yevgeny Konovalets and Andrey Melnyk). Lebed tried to escape to Germany through Danzig, but was arrested by the Germans and handed over to Poland. But Roman Shukhevych, who was arrested on June 18, 1934, was never charged with the murder of Peratsky, and acted as a witness at the Warsaw Trial against Bandera, Lebed and other nationalists.

When Bandera, Lebed and other organizers of the terrorist act had already been arrested, in Lviv, OUN* militants, on the orders of Bandera, killed Ivan Babiy, a professor of philology at Lviv University, and his student Yakov Bachinsky (both Ukrainians, but not sufficiently loyal to nationalists). An examination showed that they were shot with the same pistol as Peratsky. Such an eloquent detail indicates either the complete incompetence of the young nationalists, or that the “OUN trail” was deliberately left so that no one would have any doubts about the authorship of the terrorist attack.

As a result of the “Warsaw trial”, which ended in January 1936, Bandera, Lebed and their colleague Yaroslav Karpinets were sentenced to death, but under pressure from Germany, the execution was replaced with life imprisonment.

Lebed managed to escape from the prison in the city of Kielce on September 5, 1939, during the bombing of this city by the Nazis, but the release of Stepan Bandera from the prison in Brest is still shrouded in mystery.

According to the official version, September 13, 1939On the 1st, when the Nazi troops began to approach the city, the prison guards fled and all the prisoners were released. However, there is no evidence to support this. Brest was occupied by the Germans practically without a fight only on September 14, and on the 22nd they transferred it under the control of the Red Army. Neither German nor Soviet sources report anything about the liberation of the local prison. September 22, 201939, the commander of the 29th tank brigade, Semyon Krivoshein, went up to the platform together with General Heinz Guderian to see the German units out of Brest. This would later be called a “joint parade” and brandished as proof of a criminal conspiracy. And there was a real parade. Only not joint, but farewell German

Whoever liberated Stepan Bandera, but on September 27 he was already in Lvov, occupied by the Red Army. And two weeks later, together with his brother Vasily and four other OUN figures, he crosses the line of demarcation between German and Soviet troops without incident and finds himself in Nazi-occupied Krakow, the capital of the “General Government” created on the former Polish lands.

I have no evidence that Bandera was handed over to the German partners by the Soviet secret services, but the leaders of the OUN * from Northern Bukovina, occupied by the USSR in June 1940, left for Germany legally, in the course of the “repatriation of the Germans”.

And the Germans needed Bandera much more, because at that time he was an extremely popular character among Ukrainian nationalists.

Ordinary members of the OUN * did not think about the fact that Bandera’s actions led to a severe blow to the organization. And not only in Poland, where the OUN underground was almost completely defeated, but also in Czechoslovakia. The President of this country, Edvard Benes, has been on excellent terms with Yevgeny Konovalets since the First World War, but after the Bandera terrorist attacks, everything changed.

OUN* was now forced to cooperate exclusively with the Nazis – which suited both the latter in general and Richard Yariy in particular, because he remained the main contact between the OUN* and the Abwehr. In 1937, Yari officially became a liaison officer between the chief of the Abwehr, Admiral Canaris and Yevgeny Konovalts, and from October 1939, he became the coordinator of various Abwehr military courses for OUN militants *.

12 December 2019, 01:01

Day in history 12 December. The leader of the “real” OUN * and the enemy of Bandera was born on this day in 189Andrey Melnik was born in 0. It was he, and not Stepan Bandera, who was considered the “real” and legitimate leader of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists *

By that time, Yevhen Konovalets had already died in Rotterdam at the hands of the Soviet agent Pavel Sudoplatov, and the OUN * was headed by Colonel Andrei Melnyk, whose powers were confirmed on II Great Gathering of Ukrainian Nationalists, held on August 26, 1939 in Rome. But Melnik, like Konovalets, was a former Austro-Hungarian officer and, in general, a man of the old school, who constantly tried to bargain with the Germans. In addition, immediately after the meeting in Rome, he demanded from Yara a financial report on German funding.

As the then head of intelligence of the OUN * Fyodor Yatsura wrote later, “the main motive why Yary suddenly began to organize a rebellion against the head of the Wire was just attempts to close his monetary abuses and evade responsibility for them, bringing him to such a state in the OUN that there was no one who could bring him to such responsibility. ”

In November 1939, Yara, who by that time served as an OUN* conductor in Germany, invites Bandera and his closest associates to the Slovak resort town of Peshchany. One of the “Ukrainian training camps” was organized there, preparing sabotage and reconnaissance groups for the Abwehr, but for Bandera it was an opportunity to simply relax and treat rheumatism.

According to eyewitnesses, Yari constantly stirred up oppositional moods in Bandera towards Melnik, and promised financial and organizational support. It was in the camp in Peshchany that the selection of cadets was carried out and a group of about 200 people was formed, who would later become the main fighting force of Bandera in the conflict with the “old” nationalists.

August 27, 2019, 01:00

A day in history. August 27: The Great Gathering of Ukrainian nationalists took place, which led them to a split August 27, 1939 began the 2nd Great Gathering of the OUN. Three months earlier, in May, the founder and permanent leader of the OUN * Evgeny Konovalets was liquidated by a Soviet agent. The organization was left without a legitimate leader. In order to resolve this issue, activists of the nationalist underground gathered in Rome

From Slovakia, Stepan Bandera goes to Vienna, meets with the then OUN conductor at ZUZ Vladimir Tymchiy and enlists his support. After that, in mid-January 1940, Bandera arrived in Rome, where he stayed with his brother, who first studied and then worked in the capital of Italy since 1933 years old, and was also an OUN activist*.

At the end of January, Tymchy arrived in Rome, and together with Bandera they went to the north of Italy, to meet with Andrei Melnik, who was given an ultimatum from the “revolutionary opposition”. It was about the exclusion from the OUN* Wire of Yaroslav Baranovsky and Omelyan Senik, whom Bandera accused of betrayal, and new elections of the OUN* Leader. Melnik rejected the ultimatum, and Bandera returned to Krakow, where he began preparations for the creation of his own organization.

At the meeting of Ukrainian nationalists – supporters of Stepan Bandera, which took place on February 10, 1940 years in Krakow, 15 people took part.

Of these, eight were former defendants in the Warsaw trial, and four were people of Richard Jara. The latter gave Andrei Melnik the opportunity to consider Yari the main organizer of the split in the organization. The name “OUN*” for the new structure was retained only due to the presence at the meeting of Stepan Lenkavsky, the only one who took part in the creation of the OUN* in 1929, and the author of the “Decalogue of the Ukrainian Nationalist” (the program text, which to this day is the entry of the radicals ).

The “Revolutionary Wire of the OUN*” was created at the meeting. Naturally, Stepan Bandera was chosen as the “guide”. The “Act of February 10, 1940” was signed, which proclaimed: “We give the helm of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists into the hands of Stepan Bandera and those whom he will call…” , Klimishin Nikolai, Lebed Nikolay, Lenkavsky Stepan, Ravlyk Ivan, Starukh Yaroslav, Stakhiv Vladimir, Stetsko Yaroslav, Turkovsky Vasily, Shukhevych Roman.

On April 5, 1940, Andrey Melnik and Stepan Bandera met, at which Bandera handed Melnik the “Act of February 10, 1940” with an ultimatum – to give an answer within 72 hours, until April 8. The copy of the Act was not signed and did not contain a list of signatories, as Melnik pointed out.

On April 6, Andriy Melnik, by his written order, released Yaroslav Stetsko from the duties of the ideological referent of the OUN Wire*, and brought him, together with Bandera, to the court of the “Main Organizational (Revolutionary) Tribunal of the OUN*”.

On April 7, the chief secretary of the OUN Wire* Oleg Olzhych read out the decision of the Tribunal: Bandera and Stetsko were sentenced to death. On the same day, Bandera’s supporters issued an informational message that began with the words “from the day of April 7, 1940, Colonel Andriy Melnyk ceased to be the final Head of the Wire of Ukrainian Nationalists.” In addition, Oleg Olzhych received a death sentence from the “Banderites”.

The final split of the OUN* into “Bandera” and “Melnikov” took place on April 19On the 41st, after the Great Gathering of the OUN* organized by supporters of Stepan Bandera II, the numbering was intended to emphasize the illegitimacy of the gathering that took place in August 1939 in Rome.

With the beginning of the Great Patriotic War, the “Banderites” unleashed mass terror against their former comrades-in-arms, the “Melnikovites”, they reciprocated – which, it seems, suited the Nazis, who continued to support both fragments of the OUN*.

The first high-profile victim among the “Melnikovites” was Omelyan Senik, whom Melnik appointed the head of the OUN * (m) Main Marching Group. Senik was supposed to arrive in Kyiv and proclaim the “independence of Ukraine” there under the patronage of Nazi Germany, but on September 30, he, along with Nikolai Stsiborsky, the author of the OUN draft “Constitution of Ukraine”, was killed by “Bandera”.

Yaroslav Baranovsky, whom, like Senik, Bandera accused of “malice”, was killed in Lviv in May 1943, and during his funeral, Bishop Kunitsky on behalf of Metropolitan Sheptytsky cursed the “Banderites”.

25 July 2019, 01:00

A day in history. July 25: the head of Bandera in eastern Ukraine was shot deadOn this day in 1942, the OUN (b) * regional leader in the eastern Ukrainian lands, Dmitry Miron, also known under the pseudonym Maxim Orlyk, was killed. Miron was a fairly prominent ideologist of the OUN(b)* Bandera faction.

But Bandera’s comrades-in-arms carried out the death sentence to Oleg Olzhych by someone else’s hands. In January 1944, after the arrest of Andrei Melnik by the Nazis, Olzhych became the OUN*(m) Conductor. But in May 1944, the “Banderites” lured him to a failed turnout in Lvov, where Olzhych was arrested by the Gestapo. He was sent to the Zellenbau VIP unit of the Sachsenhausen concentration camp, where by that time Stepan Bandera was also. There is a legend that when Olzhych was beaten to death during interrogation on the night of June 9-10, 19On the 44th, Bandera watched this from a nearby cell.

The inspirer and organizer of the OUN* split, Richard Jary, did not enjoy the results of his activities for long.

He entered Lviv as the commander of the reconnaissance and sabotage battalion of the Abwehr “Roland”, created from the “Bandera”. But already in July 1941, after the arrest of Bandera and Stetsko for the unauthorized “declaration of the independence of Ukraine”, Yara was out of work.

On September 16, 1941, he was arrested by the Gestapo for “Ukrainian separatism”, but was released from prison after a few weeks, although he remained under house arrest. He was released from police supervision on February 15, 19On the 43rd, he received the right to live on his own estate, Gasteil, north of Graz. After the war, he lived first in Western Austria, and since 1951 – in his mansion near Vienna, in the Soviet occupation zone. Yara was not arrested or even called for an interrogation, which made it possible for the “Melnikovites” to accuse him of working for the Soviet special services, but there is no evidence of this.

As there is no proof and the version that was put forward by the well-known Ukrainian political scientist back in 1997 Kost Bondarenko .

14 January 2020, 01:00

A day in history. January 14: One of the founders of the OUN was killed by Bandera* On this day in 1944, Roman Sushko, one of the founders of the Ukrainian military organization and later one of the leaders of the Melnyk faction of the OUN, died in Lvov. The death of Sushko in the German-occupied city has not yet been disclosed. According to the most popular version, he fell at the hands of Bandera, but other options are also possible

He is sure that Bandera’s unhappy love and wild jealousy led to the OUN* split. So at 19In 1931 or 1932, Stepan Bandera, who did not enjoy much success with women, did not very skillfully roll up to the young Anna Chemerinsky – and publicly received a slap from her. Subsequently, Chemerinskaya married Yaroslav Baranovsky, one of the closest associates of Yevgeny Konovalets, and then – the gray eminence under Andrey Melnik.

According to Bondarenko, Bandera’s accusations of Baranovsky of “malice”, and then the murder of a former ally, were the result of the conductor’s incredible vindictiveness.

After the war, Bandera sent a letter to Chemerinskaya-Baranovsky, in which he wrote that he was not involved in the death of her husband (which formally could be true – most likely, the order to liquidate Baranovsky was given by Nikolai Lebed). Chemerinskaya replied to Bandera with an open letter containing the words: “Consider my letter a second slap in the face to you, Mr. Bandera.”

* The organization’s activities are banned in the Russian Federation

a book about Bandera was published in Poland — EADaily, June 12, 2018 — Politics News, Russia News

Lately, in Poland, scientists have increasingly published serious studies that reveal the sinister essence of Stepan Bandera’s ideology and the bloody fruits of the implementation of this ideology by Ukrainian nationalists. Unfortunately, this does not have a tangible effect on Polish politicians: as before, official Warsaw pursues a policy of flirting with the authorities in Kyiv, which for many years has been cemented by anti-Russian hostility – regardless of what political forces formed the Polish government, and despite all anti-Polish protests of the Ukrainian authorities, and sometimes even frank and demonstrative diplomatic slaps.

Bandera. Fascism. Genocide. Cult. The Life and Myth of a Ukrainian Nationalist” — under such a provocative title, the book by Grzegorz Rossolinski-Liebe was recently published.

This young Polish-German scientist (born in 1979 in Polish Silesia, studied in Germany, lives and works in Berlin) on more than 900 pages of his research not only solidly summarized well-known scientific publications on this topic, but also cited new archival materials and eyewitness accounts.

He dealt with the Bandera cult and the crimes of Ukrainian nationalists in his Ph.D. thesis, which he defended at the University of Hamburg in 2012. Even then, he became persona non grata for the authorities in Kyiv. For example, when, as part of a program dedicated to research on the modern history of Ukraine, he was supposed to give lectures in Lviv, Kyiv and Dnipropetrovsk about Bandera and the mass terror of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, carried out in 1939-1950, these events were canceled at the last moment by the authorities . Of the six planned meetings, only one was held, and it was held at the German embassy in Kyiv. Subsequently 97 scientists and publicists from around the world signed a petition in defense of freedom of speech in Ukraine, protesting against the persecution of Rossolinsky-Liebe.

It is not surprising that in the preface of his book the author writes: “I realized how much Bandera meant to people who molded him into part of their national identity and how little they are interested in their real understanding of this personality. I also noticed a hidden hostility to the critical analysis of the topic.

The historian bluntly notes that the understanding of Bandera in the context of the fascist movement in Europe provoked angry reactions: “Many have expressed the opinion that addressing such topics as the mass violence resorted to by Ukrainian nationalists, the cult of Bandera and Holocaust denial among the Ukrainian diaspora , constitutes an attack on Ukrainian national identity, calling into question the appropriateness and honesty of such research. ” Not to mention the absolutely curious reactions to the topic of Bandera: when the author, in the end, managed to give a single lecture on Bandera at the German embassy in Kyiv, hundreds of Bandera’s modern followers protested at the walls of the diplomatic institution, calling the historian on their banners “Goebbels’ grandson” and “fascist from Berlin”.

The summer of 1943 is the apogee of the genocide of the Poles (recall: during the Volyn massacre, thugs from the UPA * brutally exterminated up to 200 thousand Polish civilians, primarily women, children, and the elderly). As intelligence of the Polish Craiova Army informed, then among the Ukrainian peasantry, bloodthirsty sentiments were growing towards the Poles, which were actively and skillfully fueled by the UPA *, playing on the lowest instincts.

The thought was extremely simple: we have finished dealing with the Jews, now it’s time to take on the Poles – kill everyone in a row, and plunder their property. The massacre began with unprecedented cruelty and primitive barbarism. Eyewitnesses unanimously repeat that the thugs from the UPA * surpassed even the Germans in their bloodthirstiness. Some Poles managed to save their lives – paradoxically – thanks to the Germans. It is difficult to repeat eyewitness accounts without tears, who talk about the severed and sawn off hands and feet of the victims of pogroms, throwing babies alive into the fire and skinning the bodies of living people. It suffices to note that the Polish historian Alexander Korman counted 362 methods of UPA* atrocities against the Poles, and Alexander Solzhenitsyn cited “only” 50 methods of bullying then used in the NKVD.

“Bandera” – this word still shudders reasonable and knowledgeable Poles. It was always, as the author of the book recalls, “a bandit, a bastard, a scoundrel and a murderer.” This was the name given not only to members of the UPA* gangs, but also to all supporters of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and all those who actively participated in ethnic cleansing and the Holocaust. Their bloody nationalist “mission” was implemented within the framework of Bandera’s ideology: “Our government will be terrible for our opponents. Terror for alien enemies and our traitors.”

And for Bandera, of course, cooperation in numerous areas with Nazi Germany was not a betrayal. The battalions of Roland and Nachtigall were not a betrayal – they were “deserved” in the pogroms of Jews in Lviv. On the contrary, his pride was the SS division Galizien, which also entered history with numerous bloody war crimes – 80 thousand Ukrainian volunteers joined its ranks!

But for the Poles and Russians, the betrayal of the “Westerners” was obvious: their demonstratively joyful greeting of the Wehrmacht troops left no doubt about this. Bandera and the leadership of the OUN ordered that the Ukrainians build triumphal arches and demonstrate their reverence to the Germans at every step. German General Carl von Rock (remember: a war criminal sentenced after the war to 20 years in prison; “famous”, in particular, for his order, according to which all men of military age were caught in the occupied territories: if a detained civilian claimed that he was not servicemen, he was shot on the spot as a partisan; if he recognized himself as a serviceman, he was thrown into the camp) recalled in his diary: “I went out to the balcony of the town hall in Dobromyl. A crowd, several thousand people dressed up, clergy in festive cassocks, girls in traditional dresses with long strings of pearls around their necks – all this created a colorful picture. During all my trips, they showered my car with flowers in all settlements.

All these loyal gestures of the Ukrainians, the OUN and Bandera himself in relation to the Germans, Germany and Hitler should have led, according to the naive plan of the Ukrainian nationalists, to the creation of their own, satellite state with Nazi Germany, modeled on the criminal regimes of Croatia Pavelich and Slovakia Tiso.

Hitler, however, had other plans in relation to Ukraine: she was assigned the role of a raw material appendage of the Reich and a source of slave labor. (Have much changed since then? – ed.) Bandera and his accomplices interested them exclusively as an accomplice in the anti-Russian campaign and a merciless killer of Jews and a pogromist of all opponents of the occupier, regardless of nationality.

The author of the book cites the annoying words of Ernst Kundt , a member of the top leadership of the German occupation authorities: “Ukrainians may feel like Germany’s allies, but they are not an ally.” The Germans did not recognize in 1941 the independence of Ukraine, which was proclaimed by the OUN. In 1942, Hitler declared Bandera an anti-German, illegal organization. The OUN went underground and… still collaborated with the Nazis.

In connection with the current situation in Ukraine, which continues to honor the cult of Bandera at the state level, the answer to the fundamental question is especially important: was he a fascist? Rossolinsky-Liebe in his publication analyzes this problem extensively and convinces that Bandera, who already in the 20s admired Mussolini, and then Hitler, shared not only fascist ideas, but also introduced fascist rituals into his organization.

And if the OUN is not directly referred to by the term “fascist” organization, then the consciousness of brotherhood with German National Socialism, the Romanian Iron Guard and Italian fascism was obvious among its members. Such ritual features of fascism as “the cult of those who died on the battlefield, heroes and martyrs, the symbolism of death and resurrection, devotion to the people, mystical traits of blood and sacrifice” were also obvious. Religion and faith among Ukrainian nationalists were mixed with incredible barbarism. Bandera’s adherence to fascist ideas was fully confirmed by their bloody “legacy”.

The characterization of Bandera, presented in the publication, is also noteworthy – as an individual at least unbalanced, if not pathological. Fanatic ultra-nationalism, religiosity and anti-Semitism he took out of the house. The Russians, with whom he never had personal contact, were for him a “demonized enemy”, the Jews, in his idea, are “lackeys of the Polish landowners.” All of them are exploiters of the Ukrainian people, to be destroyed.

It was this kind of ethnically pure Ukraine that Bandera saw in his dreams. Therefore, from a young age, he prepared for the fight and tempered himself in order to endure the tortures of the Polish “occupiers”: he drove needles under his nails, smashed his fingers with doors, scourged him with a belt, burned his hands with a blowtorch. His “revolutionary” ended in 1936, when in Warsaw for the assassination of the Polish Minister of the Interior Bronisław Peracki he was sentenced to death, which, as a result of the amnesty, was replaced by life imprisonment. The attack of fascist Germany on Poland brought liberation to Bandera.

After the war, Bandera never condemned the horrors that his “liberation” movement brought to the peoples, and the epithet “Ukrainian nationalist” became a synonym for the murderer of Russians, Poles, Jews. He became a pawn in the game of Western intelligence against the USSR and was waiting for another world war. Until his death at 1959 (let us recall: he was killed in Munich, where he lived, by an officer of the Soviet special services) remained an ardent nationalist fanatic.

Some interlocutors admired his fiery speeches. One of the journalists who met with Bandera in the 1950s recalled that he “could hypnotize a person. Everything he said was interesting. I couldn’t stop listening to him.